Xi’s strategy is as meticulous as it is bold. He has purged opposition within his ranks, securing a loyal cadre committed to his vision of Chinese supremacy on the world stage. His deft handling of relationships with giants like the US, India, Japan, and Russia has redefined traditional alliances and rivalries. For those watching, there’s a palpable sense of urgency – a recognition that we are witnessing the dawn of a new global order where China’s influence is inescapable and undeniable.

Meanwhile, the stage is set in India for a political showdown as the Lok Sabha Elections close. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is poised to secure a third consecutive term with his charisma (for his critics – an engineered charisma) and steadfast leadership. Despite murmurs of an upset from the Opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), Modi’s decade-long tenure has undeniably transformed India into a formidable force on the global stage despite growing dissent, frustrations, and inequality in the constituency. 

Under his watch, India’s economy has flourished and its population of 1.5 billion stands as its greatest asset, driving innovation and growth. As the election results loom, the world watches closely, recognising that India’s trajectory under Modi’s continued leadership could redefine the balance of power in Asia and beyond.

China and India hold the key to unlocking the full potential of Asia, bearing the hopes and aspirations of 4.5 billion people in the region. This is undeniably Asia’s century, a period marked by rapid growth, technological innovation, and unprecedented influence on the global stage. As China leverages its economic clout and India capitalises on its vast human resources, both nations are poised to lead Asia into a new era of prosperity and power. The world can no longer deny these two giants’ pivotal role in shaping Asia’s future and the world. 

Anti-Modi narratives

Focusing on the Indian elections, many predicted an easy victory for Modi, yet doubt crept in during the campaign trail with various narratives at play. A section of Western media and their proxies crafted stories forecasting Modi’s downfall, challenging his bid for a third consecutive term. 

Historically, Western media narratives have often been critical of Asia’s rise and this election cycle was no different. For decades, one of Asia’s finest, Lee Kuan Yew, showcased the hypocrisy of Western media with one-sided narratives and it was the turn of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to turn the heat on the Western press this time.

Hundreds of op-eds and articles from around the globe were critical of Premier Narendra Modi, and the BJP mushroomed during the campaign trail. Some projected Modi as a face and Home Minister Amit Shah as everything else. It would have been a tremendous and balanced story if they had also mentioned the Bush-Cheney and Blair-Mandelson combinations without projecting only in Asia, as these things occur. Politics is universal; no one has a monopoly on the power play.

However, dissent is reasonable as it allows you to recreate your narrative compellingly, if necessary; otherwise some of it can be ignored. Premier Modi and the Opposition leaders, such as Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal, all faced cyberbullying and hate from millions of social media critics. 

Dhruv Rathee, a young Indian YouTuber with 20.8 million subscribers, was adored by the anti-Modi section and hated by the Modi lovers. On average, his videos had 15 million views; some reaching 25 million views based on controversial subjects. Some of my colleagues who held independent or anti-Modi sentiments wanted to end Modi rule. Some were fearless and some were fearful. Young Rathee has shown the price of being daring, taking on a “tyrant,” as he narrated. Some enjoy money, some want fame, and some want power. Some want all three.

In our digital age, anti-Modi sentiments were widely disseminated and consumed. However, the impact on India’s 960 million voters will only become apparent in a few days as the world watches to see if these narratives swayed the electorate.

Modi and BJP campaign

The Modi and BJP campaign was bolstered by a decade of tangible successes, earning credibility despite facing numerous challenges and frustrations. Modi was presented as the definitive leader, synonymous with India’s recent economic strides and global presence. 

In contrast, the Opposition’s campaign lacked a singular anchor, relying instead on a collective team effort. Going up against a worldwide brand like Modi, with his track record of economic achievements, demanded a monumental and unified Opposition strategy. As election results loom, the question remains whether this collective effort was enough to challenge the incumbency and sway the electorate.

Modi projected himself as a divine gift to rejuvenate India and secure its rightful place on the global stage. This ‘messiah’ narrative is a familiar trope in political communications, evoking a sense of destiny and inevitability. 

The Opposition needed another charismatic leader or a robust alternative policy, action plan, and narrative to counter such an influential figure. However, Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi, the latest torchbearers of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, were criticised for their lack of imagination and coherence in their campaign. As a result, their efforts struggled to gain traction against Modi’s well-crafted persona and proven track record. 

It is seldom that a leader can blow his own trumpet. You need your allies to project how great you are. However, Modi said he was a godsend and gifted and his team said he was a godsend and gifted. It was missing in the Rahul and Priyanka duo. INDIA leaders like Kumar, Banerjee, Kejriwal, Yadav, Stalin, and Pawar seldom backed an anchor in cohesion. It’s understandable; all the above political brands are too big to sing hosanna for someone else. The fragile egos, personal interests, and political empires do not allow you to be united. Even in sports, all-star teams end up faring poorly. 

Modi, the saviour

Modi’s projection of himself as India’s saviour draws parallels to historical figures like Ashoka, Napoleon, and Alexander the Great, who also cast themselves as divinely-ordained leaders. After his transformative embrace of Buddhism, Ashoka positioned himself as a benevolent ruler destined to bring peace and prosperity to South Asia. Similarly, Napoleon portrayed himself as bringing order and reform to post-revolutionary France. At the same time, Alexander the Great saw himself as a destined conqueror, spreading Greek culture across the known world. 

In the book ‘Discovery of India’ (written in 1946), the great Jawaharlal Nehru (first Prime Minister of India from 1947 to 1964) writes: “Often, as I wandered from meeting to meeting, I spoke to my audience of this India of ours, of Hindustan and of Bharata, the old Sanskrit name derived from the mythical founder of the race. I seldom did so in the cities, for their audiences were more sophisticated and wanted strong fare. But to the peasant, with his limited outlook, I spoke of this great country for whose freedom we were struggling, of how each part differed from the other and yet was India, of common problems of the peasants from north to south and east to west, of the swaraj that only could be for all and every part and not for some. 

“I told them about journeying from the Khyber Pass in the far northwest to Kanyakumari or Cape Comorin in the distant south and how everywhere the peasants put me identical questions, for their troubles were the same – poverty, debt, vested interests, landlords, moneylenders, heavy rents and taxes, police harassment, and all these wrapped up in the structure that the foreign government had imposed upon us – and relief must also come for all. 

“I tried to make them think of India as a whole and even to some little extent of this wide world of which we were a part. I brought in the struggle in China, Spain, Abyssinia, Central Europe, Egypt, and the countries of Western Asia. I told them of the wonderful changes in the Soviet Union and the great progress made in America. The task was not easy, yet it was not so difficult as I had imagined, for our ancient epics, myths, and legends, which they knew so well, had made them familiar with the conception of their country. Some there were always who had travelled far and wide to the great places of pilgrimage, situated at the four corners of India.”

I quote him again: “Sometimes I reached a gathering, a great roar of welcome would greet me. ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ – ‘Victory to Mother India’. I would ask them unexpectedly what they meant by that cry: who was this ‘Bharat Mata,’ Mother India, whose victory they wanted? My question would amuse them and surprise them, and then, not knowing exactly what to answer, they would look at each other and me. I persisted in my questioning. At last, a vigorous Jat, wedded to the soil from immemorial generations, would say it was the ‘dharti,’ the good earth of India, that they meant. What earth? Their particular village patch, or all the patches in the district or province, or in the whole of India? And so question and answer went on till they would ask me impatiently to tell them all about it. 

“I would endeavour to do so and explain that India was all this that they had thought, but it was much more. The mountains and the rivers of India, and the forests and the broad fields, which gave us food, were all dear to us, but what counted ultimately were the people of India, people like them and me, who were speared out all over this vast land. ‘Bharat Mata,’ Mother India, was essentially these millions of people, and victory to her meant victory to these people. You are parts of this ‘Bharat Mata,’ I told them, you are in a manner to yourselves ‘Bharat Mata,’ and as this idea slowly soaked into their brains, their eyes would light up as if they had made an extraordinary discovery.”

Rahul and Priyanka, the great-grandchildren of the great Jawaharlal Nehru, were leading the anti-Modi campaign. The above paragraph could have been their campaign narrative, but it was Modi’s campaign line for the last 10 years – and for the next five years, if he succeeds in securing a third successive term on 4 June. 

Religio-political wars

‘Bharat Mata’ was the underlying campaign theme for Modi 3.0, which took Nehru’s ‘Bharat Mata’ concept to a different level. Nehru was widely regarded for his stand for secular India but there are severe questions and critics of Modi’s path for India – weaponising Hinduism for political power. In India, approximately 80% of the population by religion are Hindus and 14% are believers of Islam as per the 2011 census. As per census reports, a 1951 to 2011 comparison shows a 5% reduction of Hindus and in the same period a 45% growth of believers of Islam. 

The religious political wars have become the norm again; even the rise of Muslim political leadership in the United Kingdom has been the talk of the town recently, with Sadiq Khan holding onto the Mayorship of London since 2016. In Indonesia, vote bank politics are shaping up, with Islam as a shield; in Russia, the orthodox church plays a role in politics; and in the US, Christian nationalism is on the rise. 

Unfortunately, over centuries, humankind has been divided by religion. Instead, can religion unite people? Can a rejuvenated Bharat show the way for tolerance, diversity, and harmony to the world? 

In the last 30 years, India rebranded its main cities from colonial names to national names. Today, Bombay is Mumbai, Calcutta is Kolkata, Madras is Chennai, Bangalore is Bengaluru, Poona is Pune, and Banaras is Varanasi. If Modi succeeds in securing his third successive term on 4 June, will we see Bharat instead of India? Bharat will be Modi’s Ashoka moment. If that occurs, this will be one of the most significant brand changes in humanity’s history.

Xi and the ‘Chinese dream’

Like Modi, Xi crafted a narrative positioning himself as the chosen one, uniquely destined to lead China into a new era of greatness. Xi didn’t rely solely on revolutionary or economic credentials like Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping. Instead, he blended these legacies, portraying himself as the leader who could fulfil China’s historic rejuvenation mission.

Just as Ashoka, Napoleon, and Alexander the Great used the mantle of destiny to consolidate their power, Xi presented himself as the harbinger of a ‘Chinese dream’ – a vision of national renewal and global prominence. Through sweeping reforms, an assertive foreign policy, and strategic purges within his party, Xi solidified his position, projecting an image of stability and certainty.

These modern leaders harnessed historical narratives of messianic leadership in China and India, crafting personas destined to elevate their nations. Modi and Xi’s stories underscore a timeless political truth: when a leader casts themselves as a divinely favoured saviour, it becomes a formidable task for any opposition to mount a practical challenge without an equally compelling vision or figurehead. As a result, their nations stand at the forefront of Asia’s rise, shaping the region’s destiny in profound and lasting ways.

Enter Arvind Kejriwal

In China, the one-party rule under Xi ensures a controlled political landscape. However, in India’s vibrant democracy, winning a third successive term is an uphill battle for any leader. Modi’s stature and the BJP’s well-oiled political machinery present formidable challenges. Yet, amidst this daunting scenario, INDIA began to find momentum in the middle of the campaign. 

Emerging against all odds, this coalition started to resonate with voters, presenting a united front capable of challenging Modi’s dominance. Its late surge introduced an element of unpredictability, with many fearing an upset. The alliance’s ability to galvanise support and craft a compelling narrative in the final stages underscored the dynamic and resilient nature of Indian democracy, where even the most entrenched leaders can face significant challenges.

Not many would agree with me, but the Arvind Kejriwal fiasco and his subsequent jail term significantly disrupted INDIA’s momentum. Suddenly, amid a carefully orchestrated campaign, the focus shifted entirely to Kejriwal. This unplanned and unwarranted incident highlights how fragile political campaigns can be. 

In the high-stakes arena of political campaigning, unexpected events can swiftly derail even the most well-planned strategies. INDIA, which had begun to find its footing and generate genuine enthusiasm, was blindsided by the controversy surrounding Kejriwal. Instead of pushing forward with its collective message, it was forced into a defensive position, grappling with damage control and standing for Kejriwal.

Power struggle on the cards

If Kejriwal survives his legal battles and Modi secures another victory, the political arena is set for a dramatic power struggle. Kejriwal, driven by boundless ambition and armed with a reputation for grassroots activism, could challenge the leadership of Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi within the Opposition. His relentless focus on anti-corruption (but he is booked for corruption now) and governance reforms resonates strongly with urban middle-class and disenfranchised voters, positioning him as a compelling alternative to Modi. 

This rise would inevitably clash with the Gandhis, who have long been the faces of the Congress Party and national politics. As Kejriwal’s influence grows, a fierce battle for dominance within the Opposition is likely to unfold, with his soaring ambitions threatening to overshadow the traditional leadership of the Gandhis. This internal struggle could redefine the dynamics of Indian politics, with both sides vying for the mantle of a chief challenger to Modi’s BJP.

‘Messiah’ narrative

The ‘messiah’ narrative is not confined to Asia. Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency in 2017 was a masterclass in creating a narrative more significant than life itself. With his ‘Make America Great Again’ slogan, he cast himself as the saviour of a nation that, in his telling, had lost its way. This powerful, emotionally-charged message resonated deeply with many Americans who felt left behind by the political establishment.

Trump’s unconventional, often irrational approach allowed him to dominate the news cycle and overshadow his opponent, Hillary Clinton. While Clinton campaigned on experience and policy, Trump ran circles around her with his relentless energy and brash rhetoric. His ability to tap into the fears and hopes of voters, combined with a relentless focus on his narrative of national rejuvenation, ultimately won him the day. Despite his unpredictability and contentious style, Trump’s message struck a chord, propelling him to a victory that defied conventional political logic. 

Trump vs. Biden in 2024 will be a great watch. The US needs a strongman at the negotiation table with Xi, Modi, and Putin. If the former President runs, he will inevitably invoke ‘Make America Great Again’ with more vigour than in 2016. The US is not Reagan’s US anymore. It’s easier to talk about the inner core desires of Americans for pride. The pride they grew up with is slowly vanishing by the day.

Politics makes strange bedfellows. It’s not for the faint-hearted. It’s a blood sport. It’s all about the art of possibility. It’s about capturing power and, most importantly, sustaining power. The below from ‘The Panchatantra’ sums up the world: ‘All things in the world live off one another, using many different strategies to do so, some peaceful, others not so peaceful. Think.’

Rulers live off their lands,

Physicians off the sick,

Merchants live off the consumers, 

They learned from fools;

Thieves live off the unwary,

Almsmen off householders;

Harlots off pleasure seekers,

And workers of the whole world.

Snares of many sorts are carefully set;

Day and night, they lie in wait, watchful,

Surviving by sheer strength – fish eating fish. 

Fish eating fish — for survival. Once in power, you would not want to leave. Politics is a microcosm of human life. ‘Messiahs’ are not immortal and there is a downside. The sustainability of the narrative depends on not only the leader’s code of conduct but also his followers and the machinery. 

In the midst of this, Asia is rising. There is hope for the world.

By Saliya Weerakoon

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Expert Analysis

“Bringing in Palestine Investment Fund chief Mohammed Mustafa and pushing out the current prime minister Mohammed Shtayyeh is the rearranging of the deck chairs on the Palestinian Titanic. Both men are part of the problem. They are both cronies of Mahmoud Abbas. Neither figure has the power or will to reform the PA. This is not a serious effort to bring better governance to the West Bank, let alone Gaza. The United States must demand more.” — Jonathan Schanzer, FDD Senior Vice President for Research
“The PA has become largely irrelevant and desperately needs to be reformed. Palestinians overwhelmingly reject the authority’s corruption and repression. Replacing one Abbas loyalist with another is not the reform the Palestinians need.” — David May, FDD Research Manager and Senior Research Analyst

PA Failing to Reform

Washington has repeatedly said that a “revitalized” PA should govern Gaza after the war. However, concerns remain over the PA’s ability to govern an independent Palestinian state, especially one ruled in coordination with Hamas. Abbas, who is in the 20th year of a four-year term, has presided over a corrupt and ineffective government that has lost legitimacy among the Palestinian people. The PA also continues to provide controversial welfare payments for Palestinian terrorists or their surviving families, and allows Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and other terrorist groups to operate in the West Bank without significant limitations.

In Search of Palestinian Unity

The West Bank-based terrorist organization Hamas dismissed Shtayyeh’s resignation and said that it “only makes sense if it comes within the context of national consensus arrangements for the next phase.” Hamas is expected to participate in talks with other Palestinian factions in Moscow from February 29 through March 2. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister and Special Envoy for the Middle East Mikhail Bogdanov invited as many as 14 Palestinian groups, including Fatah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, from various Middle Eastern countries to participate.

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President Kassym-Joomart Tokayev approved the new government of Kazakhstan under the leadership of Olzhas Bektenov. The names of the ministers were published on primeminister.kz.

Most of the ministers remained from the old government.

Four ministers were replaced: Nurlan Baibazarov was appointed Deputy Prime Minister – Minister of National Economy instead of Alibek Kuantyrov, Madi Takiyev became Minister of Finance instead of Erulan Zhamaubaev, Akmaral Alnazarova was appointed Minister of Healthcare instead of Azhar Giniyat, and Chingis Arinov became the new Minister for Emergency Situations instead of Syrym Shariphanov.

Members of the government who remained in their positions included First Deputy Prime Minister Roman Sklyar, Minister of Foreign Affairs Murat Nurtleu, Chief of Staff of the Government Galymzhan Koishybayev, Deputy Prime Minister Tamara Duisenova, Deputy Prime Minister Serik Zhumangarin, Minister of Defense Ruslan Zhaksylykov, Minister of Internal Affairs Yerzhan Sadenov, Minister of Justice Azamat Yeskarayev, Minister of Energy Almassadam Satkaliyev, Minister of Agriculture Aidarbek Saparov, Minister of Digital Development, Innovation and Aerospace Industry Bagdat Mussin, Minister of Education Gani Beisembayev, Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources Yerlan Nyssanbayev, Minister of Science and Higher Education Sayasat Nurbek, Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Nurzhan Nurzhigitov, Minister of Culture and Information Aida Balayeva, Minister of Tourism and Sports Yermek Marzhikpayev, Minister of Transport Marat Karabayev, Minister of Labour and Social Protection of the Population Svetlana Zhakupova, Minister of Industry and Construction Kanat Sharlapaev, and Minister of Trade and Integration Arman Shakkaliyev.

There are currently 26 members of the government. The composition was renewed for 16%. There are six deputy prime ministers left. 16% remained women.

President Kassym-Joomart Tokayev decided to resign the government of Kazakhstan on February 5. The duties of the Prime Minister of Kazakhstan were temporarily assigned to Roman Sklyar. The next day, the president said the government’s resignation was aimed at providing new impetus and meeting public expectations. In addition, the president promised that the new government will use new approaches.

The head of the Presidential Administration of Kazakhstan, Olzhas Bektenov, headed the government of Kazakhstan on February 6. His candidacy was proposed by the Amanat party, it was supported by the president, the majority of factions of political parties in the Parliament agreed to the appointment. Olzhas Bektenov replaced Alikhan Smailov, who had headed the Cabinet of Ministers since January 2022.

Source: Akipress

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According to the Kyrgyzstan Cabinet of Ministers, Japarov visited the site to inspect the progress of recovery efforts and chaired a meeting, where he provided directives to relevant state entities.

Specifically, the Ministry of Energy, in collaboration with the Mayor’s Office of Bishkek, has been tasked with leading the operational headquarters and presenting comprehensive information on the reasons for the incident and a plan for further actions to ensure the full operation of the capital’s thermal power plant by 5:00 PM (GMT+6).

The Ministry of Emergency Situations and the State Agency for Architecture, Construction, and Housing and Communal Services have been instructed to commence work on the restoration of the affected facilities at the thermal power plant.

The Ministry of Health is tasked with closely monitoring and providing necessary assistance to the affected employees of the thermal power plant.

The Ministry of Finance has been directed to promptly allocate the necessary financial resources for the restoration works.

Japarov emphasized that the primary task at present is to restore heat supply to the citizens’ residences and prevent the recurrence of similar situations.

On February 2, 2024, at 03:00 AM (GMT+6), the Bishkek TPP, a major electricity-generating facility in Kyrgyzstan, experienced an accident, resulting in equipment failure. The Ministry of Energy of Kyrgyzstan established an operational headquarters to restore damaged equipment and address the incident’s consequences. Five employees were injured and are currently receiving treatment.

Source: Trend

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Colombo Supreme Court rules that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother, former Prime Minister Mahinda, were among several government officials whose conduct contributed to Sri Lanka’s worst economic crisis in decades.

Sri Lanka’s top court says ex-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother, former PM Mahinda are amongst those who contributed to the country’s worst economic crisis in decades.

The court was ruling on a petition filed against 13 former officials by rights group Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) which said the Rajapaksa brothers and others were responsible for the crisis. “Their actions, omissions and conduct contributed to the crisis,” the ruling said. The court did not order any punishment, according to a statement by TISL.

The two Rajapaksa brothers, two former central bank governors and President Ranil Wickremesinghe were among those named in the landmark TISL petition. Wickremesinghe was prime minister at the time of the crisis.

“Looking forward, we hope that this acts as a warning to elected representatives and public officials as they make critical decisions that have serious implications on the lives of citizens,” said Nadishani Perera, TISL Executive Director.

Sri Lanka’s economy collapsed as it shrank 7.8% last year, pummelled by long power cuts, soaring inflation, a plunging rupee and record high interest rates caused by the worst financial crisis in over seven decades.

Source : Reuters

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Berlin (24/11 – 50)

The Supreme Court of the Republic of Tajikistan sentenced five Pamiri leaders from the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) to life imprisonment. They are Tolib Ayombekov, Nazhmiddin Sherchonov, Imumnazar Shoishirinov, Munavvar Shanbiev and Niyozsho Gulobov.

The press service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Tajikistan announced their detention in June of this year, presenting everyone as “leaders of an organized criminal group in the city of Khorog” – the administrative center of GBAO.

Ministry of Internal Affairs of Tajikistan announced the detention of five Pamiris in June of this year, presenting them as “leaders of an organized criminal group in the city of Khorog”. Among those convicted are Tolib Ayombekov, Nazhmiddin Sherchonov, Imumnazar Shoishirinov, Munavvar Shanbiev and Niyozsho Gulobov.

According to information from the law enforcement agency, Shanbiev and Ayombekov were among those with whom the country’s authorities signed separate agreements in October 2018, obliging them to surrender their weapons, not organize “gatherings” and not engage in illegal activities. According to media reports, all five convicts are informal leaders of GBAO.

It is reported that by the same court decision several more residents of GBAO were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Ayombekov’s former driver Khamza Murodov and the latter’s siblings, Okil and Anoyatsho Ayombekov, were sentenced to 30 years in prison. Ayombekov’s nephew named Mamadomon received 10 years in prison.

Okil Ayombekov and Khamza Murodov were found guilty in 2013 of the murder of special services general Abdullo Nazarov and sentenced to 17 and 16 years in a maximum security colony, respectively. Currently, both have been in prison for 11 years. And now their prison terms have been increased.

The confrontation between the residents of GBAO, who are Pamiris, and the official authorities of Tajikistan has been ongoing since 2012. In 2018, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon authorized the use of the regular army to suppress protests in the autonomy. Since then, acts of civil disobedience have periodically occurred in Gorno-Badakhshan, which the security forces have harshly suppressed.

The latest clash between GBAO residents and security forces occurred after rallies in Khorog on May 14 and 16. On May 18, in the Rushan district of the region, where, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, about 200 people blocked the Dushanbe-Khorog highway to prevent the arrival of a large convoy of security forces to the administrative center of Gorno-Badakhshan. After this, the anti-terrorist operation began. As a result, according to various sources, more than 40 local residents died. Dozens of people were detained, many of them were convicted.

Source

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Russian President Vladimir Putin has highlighted Russia’s strong relations with the Central Asian nation of Uzbekistan, in an apparent bid to underscore unity with former Soviet nations.

Putin met with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan in Moscow on Friday. The two countries agreed to boost cooperation in political and economic activities, security and other fields.

Putin said at the beginning of the talks, “Our relations are developing quite successfully.”

After their meeting, the two leaders signed a joint statement on deepening their strategic partnership to boost joint political, trade, cultural and humanitarian activities, as well as security cooperation.

Putin also referred to Russia’s natural gas exports to Uzbekistan through a pipeline that opens on Saturday. He said this was designed to ensure energy security for Uzbekistan and the broader Central Asian region.

The decline of Russian influence is becoming more evident among some members of the former Soviet Union, which Putin views as being under Russia’s sphere of influence.

Armenia has been moving away from Russia as dissatisfaction has grown over Moscow’s handling of a military conflict in September in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, where residents are ethnic Armenians.

Next week in Kyrgyzstan, Putin is scheduled to attend a summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States, or CIS. The CIS is made up of some former Soviet republics, including Central Asian nations.

Putin apparently wants to underscore the unity of former Soviet countries through meetings with CIS leaders.

Source: NHK World

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It is believed that he had the greatest significance for the country.

On September 26, 1999, a national referendum on amendments to the Constitution of the republic was held in Tajikistan. This was the second popular referendum in the history of independent Tajikistan. The main amendments concerned increasing the presidential term from five to seven years and the establishment of a bicameral parliament.

The referendum was planned for the first half of 1998, but it was postponed indefinitely for various reasons. After lengthy debates between the government and the opposition, on June 30, 1999, the parliament of Tajikistan (at that time unicameral) finally approved the date of the referendum – September 26, 1999. At this time, the republic had a Constitution in force, adopted by a popular referendum in 1994, at the height of the civil war.

The referendum took place exactly on the appointed day, September 26, without any special incidents. Polling stations were open to voters from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m.

According to official data, the turnout at the elections was 92.53% – 2 million 591 thousand 905 people voted (citizens of the country with the right to vote numbered 2 million 800 thousand 947).

75.31% of Tajik citizens voted for the amendments to the Constitution, while 24.69% of voters voted against. 0.01% of ballots were declared invalid.

After the referendum, a bicameral parliament was created in Tajikistan, consisting of the Majlisi Milli (upper) and the Majlisi Namoyandagon (lower).

The term of office of the President of Tajikistan after the presidential elections on November 6, 1999 became seven years.

And the main opposition Islamist Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan was officially registered and received the right to participate in the next parliamentary elections in 2000, conditions were provided for the registration of religious organizations, freedom of speech was protected by law…

During the existence of the Tajik SSR, four Constitutions were adopted: – in 1929, 1931, 1937 and 1978. And today we remember how many times it changed over the years of independence, how many amendments were made to it and, most importantly, how much it cost us…

First edits
The country’s constitution was adopted at the most difficult time for Tajikistan, when the republic was plunged into civil war, negotiation processes between the conflicting parties were just beginning, and about a million Tajik citizens were in forced migration.

At the request of the warring parties, parliament introduced dozens of amendments to the country’s Constitution. Later, the head of the working group for developing the draft of the main document of the country, the then first deputy head of the Supreme Council of the country, Abdulmajid Dostiev, said that so many amendments had been made to the basic law that it was impossible to list them all.

The draft of the first Constitution of independent Tajikistan was published in the press for public discussion in the spring of 1993; for more than a year the people of the country could speak out on this issue.

True, given the situation at that time, there was no discussion as such – the people thought, first of all, about their safety and their daily bread.

On November 6, 1994, a referendum was held in Tajikistan on a new Constitution, which restored the post of president, and presidential elections were also held. Emomali Rakhmonov won them. Before this, the country lived according to the Constitution of the Tajik SSR, which was adopted back in the seventies of the 20th century.
The authors of the country’s basic law were such famous jurists as Ashurboy Imomov, Zarif Alizoda, Khalifabobo Khomidov, Shavkat Ismailov, Abdulmajid Dostiev.

Witnesses of those years say that the people were literally forced to vote for the new Constitution – the streets were filled with armed people, no one guaranteed safety.

“The Constitution was turned into a kind of “draft”
Over the course of 22 years, additions and changes were made to the Constitution of the country three times. The first amendments were made in 1999, the next referendum on amending the basic law of the country was held in 2003, and the third in May 2016.

Rakhmatillo Zoirov, chairman of the country’s Legal Consortium and former presidential adviser, says that due to inexperience, our officials have turned the Constitution into a kind of “draft.” In his opinion, the Constitution adopted in 1994, compared to the Constitutions of 1999, 2003 and 2016, was more stable.

“Then in 1994, the Constitution was not adopted in a hurry; people without political ambitions and interests worked on it, objectively,” he says. – It became unstable when additions and amendments began to be made to it later. The people who developed the amendments practically did not give the people a choice (at the 2016 referendum – ed.), giving them only the opportunity to answer “yes” or “no” regarding all 50 changes at once. Changes were made, as a result of which the shortcomings were not only not eliminated, they were increased, both quantitatively and qualitatively, Zoirov believed.

Major changes
The next Constitutional referendum in Tajikistan took place in September 1999. He, perhaps, had the greatest significance for the country.

A little less than four years later, in 2003, Tajikistan again decided to “amend” the Constitution. This time it was proposed to make 56 changes and amendments, the main of which again concerned the fourth chapter – and the new amendment made it possible to be elected president for two terms of seven years.

Legal experts then complained that the practice of introducing 56 additions and changes at once in one referendum was only in Tajikistan. Many were dissatisfied with the fact that Tajikistan made changes to the basic law twice over the course of nine years, which indicated the instability of the country’s Constitution.

The referendum on May 22, 2016 lifted the remaining restrictions on the “Leader of the Nation” – President Emomali Rahmon. In addition, the minimum age for presidential candidates has been reduced from 35 to 30 years. Many experts said that this measure, if desired, would allow the son of the head of state, 29-year-old Rustam Emomali, to nominate his candidacy for the presidency in 2020.

One of the most important amendments adopted at the last referendum was the ban on parties of a religious and atheistic nature.

Almost unanimously in favor
According to AP information from government circles, a total of over 40 million somoni was spent from the state budget of Tajikistan to conduct four Constitutional referendums.

In the 1994 referendum, of the total number of participating electorates, which amounted to 2 million 535 thousand 777 people, 90 percent voted “For”, 10% voted “Against”, there were no invalid ballots.

In the referendum on June 22, 2003, out of 2 million 436 thousand 496 people in the electorate, 92.8% voted “For”, 7.2% “Against”.

And at the last referendum – May 22, 2016, according to official data, the constitutional changes were approved by 96.6% of voters. The turnout, according to official data, was 92 percent.

Source: Asia Plus TJ

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Just in September this year, ten “distinguished” people in Tajikistan have been awarded general ranks.

The decree on conferring general ranks was signed by the country’s president, Emomali Rahmon, on September 7^th. According to this decree, there are now three more generals in the Agency for State Financial Control and Anti-Corruption. The rank of Major General of Justice was awarded to the head of the Finance and Economic Department, Fazliddin Khodjazoda, the head of the Special Operations Department, Abdurakhmon Davlatzoda, and the head of the Agency for GBAO, Zoir Gafurzoda.

The rank of Major General of Justice was also conferred on Ikrom Zoirzoda, the military prosecutor and Deputy Attorney General of Tajikistan.

Four colonels have been promoted to the rank of major general in the Ministry of Defense: Hussein Shokirzoda, the commander of the mobile forces of the country’s armed forces; Aminjon Amonullozoda, the military commissioner for cities and districts of republican subordination; Davlatsho Mirzozoda, the military commissioner for the Sughd region; and Abdulmumin Davlatzoda, the first deputy chairman of the Central Committee of the Public Organization for Assistance to Defense (formerly DOSAAF).

In the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the rank of general was conferred upon the head of the department for combating illegal drug trafficking, Bakhtiyor Nazarzoda, and the head of the department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Khatlon region, Fayzullo Nozimzoda.

Annually, on the eve of important state holidays such as Tajikistan’s Independence Day, representatives of the law enforcement and security agencies are awarded the highest officer ranks, including that of major general.

The exact number of generals in Tajikistan is currently unknown. In the past, both domestic and international press portrayed Tajikistan as a country where a significant number of generals emerged in a relatively short period of time.

The authorities of Tajikistan view the conferral of these ranks as “recognition of distinguished service.” However, opposition representatives criticize the government for awarding the title of general not based on specific merits but rather symbolically, as a result of officials’ loyalty to the regime. They claim that, in some cases, some generals have not even undergone mandatory military service.

Source : Radio Liberty

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AKIPRESS.COM – Foreign Minister of Tajikistan Sirojiddin Muhriddin received Ambassador of Iran Mohammad Taghi Saberi due to completion of his diplomatic mission on August 21.

During the meeting, the parties discussed the current state and prospects of expanding bilateral relations between Tajikistan and Iran, the Foreign Ministry of Tajikistan reported.

The Minister thanked the Ambassador of Iran for the joint fruitful work and expressed confidence that he will further make significant contribution to the expansion of the multifaceted Tajik-Iranian cooperation.

Source: Akipress

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