The most instructive aspect of the meeting was Putin’s explicit acknowledgment of the different roles played by Moscow and Beijing in international politics, say these academics.

GLASGOW: The third Belt and Road Forum held in Beijing recently attracted fewer heads of state or senior officials than the previous forums in 2017 and 2019. There were 11 European presidents and prime ministers at the 2019 forum. But last week’s forum attracted only three.

This is understandable, given that the two-day meeting took place against the backdrop of high tension in the Middle East caused by the conflict between Israel and Hamas as well as the war in Ukraine – both wars which have highlighted differences in views on regional and global order between the West and a number of non-Western countries.

One enthusiastic participant was the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. For Putin, the forum provided an opportunity to meet other leaders without fear of arrest, given his indictment by the International Criminal Court for war crimes which had kept him away from September’s BRICS summit in South Africa.

While Putin was just one among 20 or so world leaders at the forum, he was photographed at Xi Jinping’s right hand and given a prominent place in proceedings. Delivering a speech at the forum immediately after the Chinese president and staging a press conference for the Russian media before boarding the plane to Moscow, Putin attempted to convey the message of tight cooperation with China.

He was keen to remind his audience of Russia’s credentials as a United Nations security council member, together with China, responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. He also noted that he and Xi had discussed both the situation in Gaza and the events in Ukraine, describing these situations as “common threats” which strengthen Sino-Russian “interaction”.

Putin drew particular attention to the high bilateral trade volume between Russia and China, which has reached nearly US$200 billion. This sounds impressive until you remember that the bulk of this trade consists of export of Russian hydrocarbons and other raw materials to China. This is nothing new – in fact trade in hydrocarbons between Russia and China have been boosted by Western sanctions.

Perhaps the most instructive aspect of the visit was Putin’s explicit acknowledgement of the different roles played by Moscow and Beijing in international politics.

Putin described the Russia-dominated Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) – a concept Moscow has promoted as a response to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that would fuse the Eurasian Economic Union with the BRI – as a regional or “local” project. Meanwhile he happily described the BRI as “global” in scale.

For the past decade, Russian policymakers and experts have consistently held up the GEP as symbolising Russia’s equality with China. Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov has described it as “the creation of a continent-wide architecture”.

Putin’s words, coupled with the lack of any meaningful results of the meeting (bar a contract on food and agricultural products which has yet to be confirmed by Beijing), illustrate the extent to which Russia’s war against Ukraine has deepened the asymmetry between the two powers.

HOLDING BACK?

The lack of genuine progress on the issue of the Power of Siberia-2 pipeline, which will transport gas from Russia’s Yamal gas fields, which used to supply Europe, via Mongolia to China, was further evidence of this asymmetry. Xi was kind enough to express hope that the project could proceed quickly. But he did not outline any concrete steps in that direction.

China’s agreement, if confirmed by a contract, would have been the most clear signal of Beijing’s strategic support for Russia, especially given Gazprom’s shrinking European market. By prolonging negotiations, China seems to be trying to extract specific concessions from Russia, related to the price of gas, possible Chinese ownership of gas fields in Russia, or Beijing’s acquisition of shares in Gazprom.

Meanwhile, in May, China revived the prospect of building the so-called section “D”, enlarging the capacity of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline system, which will bring gas from Turkmenistan via Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to China, emphasising China’s other sources of energy supplies.

While continuing to offer Moscow political support and not interfering with Chinese companies’ attempts to take advantage of the exodus of Western companies to increase their presence in the Russian market, Beijing has clearly attempted to prevent any embarrassment related to Russia. A gas contract would have overshadowed the BRI summit and generated a strong reaction in the US and Europe, potentially strengthening China hawks in the West.

Source: Channel News Asia

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The current situation in Eurasia is complex and changeable, with rising security risks, a dangerous economic environment, and many uncertain factors, which have put the “One Belt, One Road” initiative facing new tests and pressures. However, there are “opportunities amid crises”. China and regional countries are constantly exploring new space for cooperation, new logistics channels are being rapidly built, and new settlement methods are improving day by day. The spirit of win-win cooperation and a shared future embodied in the “Belt and Road” initiative has been accepted by countries in the region. In line with the actual needs and interest demands of various countries, this creates new opportunities for all parties to promote the construction of the “Belt and Road” with high quality.

This year marks the tenth anniversary of the Belt and Road Initiative. Over the past ten years, with the joint promotion of China and Eurasian countries, the “One Belt, One Road” initiative has taken root and blossomed in Eurasia, achieved fruitful results, and has become a popular international public product and international cooperation platform.

In recent years, against the backdrop of the century-old changes in the world that have accelerated and the international situation has entered a period of turbulence and transformation, the situation and pattern in Eurasia have experienced unprecedented complexity and change since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Relations between major powers have become unprecedentedly tense and regional security risks have risen. The economic development environment has reached a new high and the economic development environment has become more dangerous, causing China and Eurasian countries to jointly build the “Belt and Road” and face new tests and pressures.

First, the negative impact of geopolitical factors is highlighted. In the context of intensified confrontation between major powers in Eurasia, the United States, on the one hand, is stepping up efforts to contain and weaken Russia, and on the other hand, it has never forgotten to suppress China. The United States has always forcibly attached a geopolitical label to the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. After the Ukraine crisis broke out, the United States became more vigorous in calling the “One Belt, One Road” initiative a “geopolitical tool” and stepped up its pursuit of related cooperation. The joint construction of the “Belt and Road” by Asian countries poses tremendous pressure.

Secondly, connectivity construction faces huge challenges. The Russian railway network is a necessary place and a key component of the Eurasian Continental Bridge and the New Eurasian Continental Bridge. Ukraine and Belarus are located at strategic transportation hubs and are important hubs for the extension of the Silk Road Economic Belt to Europe. The above three countries It carries the main transportation route from China to Europe. Affected by factors such as war and sanctions, the “Ukrainian line” of China-Europe freight trains has been suspended. The route to Europe via Ukraine has been rerouted. The lines transiting Russia and Belarus are also facing potential risks. Some of the development achievements of China-Europe freight trains in recent years have been met with uncertainty. Impact, high-quality promotion of the “Belt and Road” transportation connectivity construction is facing new challenges. In addition to railway transportation, road transportation, sea transportation, and air transportation are also blocked to varying degrees, and the logistics chain between Asia and Europe needs to be reorganized.

Thirdly, foreign investment and trade are encountering more uncertainties. In the early stages of the Ukraine crisis, factors such as the closure of some ports, rising oil prices, depreciation of the ruble, and financial sanctions pushed up freight rates between Europe and Russia and exchange rate risks in cross-border settlements. Risk aversion among foreign trade entities increased, and transaction willingness declined. China and Eurasia The country’s trade volume once fell. As the crisis becomes protracted, international trade faces the risk of host country-based policies and protectionism. People’s livelihood and employment problems in some countries are becoming increasingly serious, exacerbating protectionism in the Eurasian region, stimulating and breeding extreme nationalism in the region, thus jeopardizing the implementation of the “One Belt, One Road” project.

Despite geopolitical turmoil and the impact of the epidemic, China’s economy has always maintained vitality and has become a strong driving force leading global and regional economic recovery. The joint construction of the “Belt and Road” between China and Eurasia can be described as “an opportunity amidst crisis.”

In 2022, the import and export volume between China and the “Belt and Road” partner countries will reach 13.83 trillion yuan, a year-on-year increase of 19.4%, accounting for 32.9% of China’s total foreign trade value. The joint construction of the “Belt and Road” between China and Eurasia has also ushered in many new opportunities and favorable conditions. New cooperation spaces are constantly being discovered, new logistics channels are being rapidly built, and new settlement methods are improving day by day.

First, China has maintained high-frequency interactions with leaders of Eurasian countries. In September 2022, President Xi Jinping went to Samarkand to attend the SCO Summit and pay state visits to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. In May 2023, the heads of state of China and the five Central Asian countries gathered in Xi’an to hold the first China-Central Asia Summit. China will also hold the third “Belt and Road” summit forum this year.

Second, the economic ties between China and the Eurasian region have been continuously strengthened, and the space for cooperation has become broader. In 2022, the trade volume between China and Eurasian countries will grow steadily, with China’s imports and exports to the five Central Asian countries, Russia, and Belarus increasing by 45.4%, 29.3%, and 33% respectively year-on-year. Many new growth points and highlights have emerged in the economic cooperation between China and Eurasian countries, especially in the fields of food trade, e-commerce, automobile manufacturing, clean energy, information technology, biotechnology and other high-tech industries. Mutually beneficial cooperation is developing rapidly.

Third, thanks to flexible adjustments, the operation of China-Europe trains has shown strong resilience. After the conflict broke out, Chinese cities opened new northern routes into Europe that bypassed Ukraine. There will be 16,000 trains operating in 2022, a year-on-year increase of 9%.

Fourth, the trend of local currency settlement promotes the process of RMB internationalization. European and American countries have unprecedentedly dropped a “financial nuclear bomb” on Russia and removed some of its banks from the SWIFT system, which has brought difficulties and obstacles to cross-border settlement with Russia. Expanding cross-border settlement channels, avoiding the risk of financial sanctions, expanding the scale of local currency settlement, and establishing and improving a non-US dollar diversified payment system have become a strong consensus and practical demand between China and Eurasian countries. Against this background, RMB internationalization is facing new opportunities. The local currency settlement between China and Russia has achieved leaps and bounds, covering about 50% of the trade volume in 2022. In the future, China and Russia will also try to switch to local currency settlement in natural gas exports to China. In addition, the RMB has become a safe-haven currency recognized by Eurasian countries.

High-quality joint construction of the “Belt and Road” is a major strategic deployment to implement high-quality development of China’s economy. The Eurasian region is not only China’s peripheral region and strategic depth, but also a key area for China to connect the world westward and improve the level of openness in China’s central, western and northeastern regions. .

The “Belt and Road” initiative transcends the Cold War mentality and adheres to the principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits. It contains the spirit of win-win cooperation and a shared future, and has been accepted by regional countries that cherish their own sovereignty and independence. The cooperation direction of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative is highly consistent with the actual needs and interests of all countries. Its core focus is development issues, and seeking development in the changing situation is the top priority of Eurasian countries and the greatest expectation of the people. Under the new situation, stronger political mutual trust and stronger consensus on cooperation will create new opportunities for high-quality and sustainable promotion of the “Belt and Road” construction.

Source: SHM News

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ASTANA – The Astana Times has picked a selection of articles on Kazakhstan published in international media across the world. This week’s foreign media digest includes articles on Kazakh-European Union cooperation, the Belt and Road Initiative, Kazakh athletes’ victories at the Asian Games, and more.

Here is why the EU should deepen its relations with Central Asia

Euronews published an opinion article on Oct. 5 by  Emil Avdaliani, Professor at European University in Tbilisi, about economic and diplomatic benefits for the European Union (EU) in advancing regional and economic ties with Central Asian countries.

The article points out that there are numerous advantages to Europe deepening its ties with Central Asia. Firstly, as European countries aim to address energy security challenges, especially their reliance on Russian energy, the diversification of energy sources becomes crucial.

Strengthening ties with Kazakhstan, the largest of the Central Asian states both geographically and economically, can offer a solution to Europe’s energy concerns, the author suggests. 

Kazakhstan, blessed with abundant oil and mineral reserves, already supplies oil to the German market through the Druzhba pipeline, which starts in Russia and stretches to multiple European destinations, the article notes.

Kazakhstan wins men’s road race of cycling road at 19th Asian Games

Kazakhstan’s cyclists  Yevgeniy Fedorov and  Alexey Lutsenko won the gold and silver medals, respectively, at the men’s road race of cycling at the 19th Asian Games, Xinhua reported on Oct. 5.

Kazakhstan marks 10 years of China’s Belt and Road Initiative

Silk Road Briefing published an article on Oct. 5 about the 10th anniversary of the Belt and Road Initiative.

This year, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a massive infrastructure development project, marks a decade since its launch. Kazakhstan, the country where the initiative was announced, has played a pivotal role in this endeavour.

Kazakhstan, the world’s largest landlocked country, occupies a crucial position in the BRI. Its geographical location connects China to Europe through the Eurasian landmass, making it a vital transit corridor.

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has repeatedly emphasized Kazakhstan’s commitment to BRI, including his latest remarks at the 2023 Xian summit with Central Asian and Chinese counterparts in May, according to the article.

The article also notes that Kazakhstan’s involvement in the BRI directly aligns with its strategic goal of enhancing transport and logistics potential. Kazakhstan, which invested nearly $35 billion in this sector over the past five years, seeks to bring the share of the sector to 9% of gross domestic product (GDP) from the current 6.2%.

Kazakhstan enacts six-month wheat import ban

Caspian News released an article on Sept. 29 about Kazakhstan’s ban on wheat imports from other countries.

This move, initiated by the Kazakh Ministry of Agriculture, is set to last for six months, starting from Oct. 11. It will encompass wheat imports arriving by road both from third countries and members within the Eurasian Economic Union, as highlighted in the article.

Kazakhstan is Central Asia’s largest grain producer.

Source: Astana Times

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