“The ongoing persecution and human rights violations against the Pamiri minority in Tajikistan reached an alarming scale years ago. But there is almost no one to ring the alarm bell. The Tajikistani authorities stifle virtually all information from the region, while the international community has largely overlooked this serious human rights crisis. It demands immediate attention and action from the international community to safeguard the rights and dignity of the Pamiri people,” said Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia. 

The ongoing persecution and human rights violations against the Pamiri minority in Tajikistan reached an alarming scale years ago. But there is almost no one to ring the alarm bell

Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Tajikistan: Reprisals against Pamiri minority, suppression of local identity, clampdown on all dissent highlights the violations of economic, social and cultural rights resulting from: the crackdown on Pamiri languages, cultural practices, and identities; the heavy presence of security forces from other regions of Tajikistan; violent repression of protest and widespread arbitrary detention; and socioeconomic marginalization faced by the Pamiri Ismaili community in Gorno-Badakhshan. 

Discrimination and securitization 

The central authorities have promoted a culture of prejudice against Pamiris. A state-sponsored narrative depicts them negatively, particularly Ismailis, leading to widespread discrimination. This policy manifests in repressive practices, including suppressing the use of Pamiri languages in media, education, and public life, excluding Pamiris from influential positions within the state administration and security apparatus, and extortion and destruction of local employment opportunities and Pamiri businesses. 

The heavy presence of security forces from other parts of Tajikistan reflects the authorities’ contempt for the Gorno-Badakhshan population. “The word ‘Pamiri’ [for the security forces] means […] separatist, oppositionist, main enemy,” said one of the interviewees. 

The presence of security agencies, including the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) and the State Committee for National Security (SCNS), has significantly increased in GBAO. Security forces have set up armed cordons on roads and in city squares, including the capital city of GBAO, Khorugh, patrolled by heavily armed police and military. “The security forces in Khorugh behave like wolves looking after sheep. ‘You should not walk like this; you should not laugh!’” said one of the interviewees. 

Security operations in GBAO include surveillance, intimidation, and the excessive use of force — often justified as combating terrorism and organized crime — accompanied by arbitrary arrests and prosecutions of local informal leaders and ordinary Pamiris, despite a lack of credible evidence.  

“The heavy-handed securitization in Gorno-Badakhshan is beyond any scrutiny. The local population is perceived as hostile by the central government, and people are harassed and discriminated against on a daily basis,” said Marie Struthers. 

The heavy-handed securitization in Gorno-Badakhshan is beyond any scrutiny. The local population is perceived as hostile by the central government, and people are harassed and discriminated against on a daily basis

Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

2021-2022 crackdown and its aftermath 

Mounting tensions erupted after the killing of prominent Pamiri figure Gulbiddin Ziyobekov in November 2021. Officially described as the result of a shootout with law enforcement, evidence points to an unlawful killing of an unarmed man, which may amount to an extrajudicial execution. In response to a four-day protest in Khorugh, security forces used firearms against a crowd that had been peaceful until that point, killing two protesters and allegedly injuring around a dozen.  

“We escorted the women away […] to a safer location. At that time, a bullet hit me. They were shooting from the entrance of the building, wearing uniforms. Some of them were standing directly in the entrance, some of them were on the second or third floor,” said one protester, describing the indiscriminate use of lethal force by law enforcement officials. 

After false promises to effectively investigate, the authorities instead persecuted informal community leaders, harassed civil society, and intimidated and prosecuted ordinary Pamiris.  

A second outbreak of violence occurred in May 2022 when authorities violently dispersed peaceful protests in Khorugh and Rushan, resulting in the deaths of dozens of Pamiris, including informal leader Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov, shot by unidentified gunmen in a pickup — a likely extrajudicial execution. According to independent reports, 24 civilians died, some during the crackdown and some in alleged retaliatory unlawful killings.  

A subsequent crackdown on civil society followed with the arbitrary detention of more than 200 human rights defenders, dissenters, and influential figures such as journalist and activist Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva and lawyers Faromuz Irgashev and Manuchehr Kholiknazarov. In December 2023, they received 21, 29 and 15-year sentences respectively, in secret trials, with the details of the charges made public only six months later.  

Arbitrary detentions and torture 

The Tajikistani authorities routinely arbitrarily detain, allegedly torture, and engage in other ill-treatment of Pamiris, with reports of coerced confessions and fabricated charges of crimes against “public safety,” “fundamentals of the constitutional order” or “order of administration.” Legal proceedings lack transparency and due process, with many trials lasting only a few days. During the 2021-2022 crackdown, reports of torture and other ill-treatment were common.  

One of the detainees in the aftermath of the May 2022 protests said he was deprived of sleep for two days, beaten with fists and batons and hit on the head with a thick book. 

“When they asked and I did not answer, they wrapped wet tissues around my fingers, then [fixed it with] tape. They put clips and switched something on. The [electric] current was strong. They did it with different fingers. They did it twice every day, four times in all,” he said. 

The international community must urgently raise concerns about the human rights violations faced by Pamiris with the Tajikistani authorities

Marie Struthers, Amnesty International’s Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia

“After the 2021-2022 protests in Gorno-Badakhshan, the systemic discrimination against the Pamiri community has become ever more entrenched, resulting in fear, harassment and violation of human rights. The international community must urgently raise concerns about the human rights violations faced by Pamiris with the Tajikistani authorities, in all possible fora not the least international fora, stand in solidarity with the Pamiri people, give protection to those who seek it abroad, and take decisive action to oppose this vicious system in Tajikistan,” said Marie Struthers. 

Source

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In 2009, 18-year-old Zaira Bopkhoeva from Ingushetia was abducted by a local resident named Khalid. Two years earlier the girl who was under 16 at the time had already been kidnapped by another man. According to tradition, she was considered “tainted” and therefore forced to marry the perpetrator, but the marriage did not work out and Zaira returned home.

The second time, Bopkhoeva’s mother would not leave her daughter with her abductor and demanded that Khalid let her go. But Zaira’s return after a night spent in the man’s house angered her relatives on her deceased father’s side. Seven male relatives took the girl to the forest, beat her, and then forced her to marry Khalid.

Her mother-in-law was strongly against Zaira. She sent her son to a distant village and kept the girl locked in one of her rooms almost all the time. At the same time, Zaira’s health began to worsen: occasionally contacting her mother, she complained of dizziness, nausea, numbness in her lower jaw and difficulty breathing.

Soon the girl who had been healthy before her marriage started having seizures and in February 2010 she was hospitalised. At the hospital, Zaira was diagnosed with poisoning from an unknown drug. According to doctors, oxygen was not supplied to the brain for a long time, and Bopkhoeva fell into a coma. In this condition, the girl was returned to her mother’s home.

Zaira Bopkhoeva is another victim of one of the widespread practices of child and forced marriages in the North Caucasus, particularly in Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan. In 2018, the ECHR awarded her mother 20,000 euros in compensation because the Russian authorities failed to investigate the circumstances of the incident.

The AD REM project of lawyers and human rights defenders has published a report: the first Russian study of this problem, within the framework of which the authors conducted interviews with female residents of these republics who suffered from forced or early marriages, as well as with local experts and specialists — representatives of government and non-profit organisations, lawyers, advocates and psychologists. A total of 31 women from 23 to 42 years old and 15 experts were interviewed.

The researchers were unable to interview underage girls who were victims of early marriages because traditionally they are more strictly controlled and it is virtually impossible to obtain permission for interviews from relatives, which is motivated by “disagreement with interference in the internal affairs of the family and explained by fear of spreading information about what happened.”

Kidnapping, poverty, and patriarchal traditions. Reasons for early and forced marriages

Child and forced marriages from the point of view of international law are regarded as one of the modern forms of slavery, which primarily affects women. Russia still has not taken all mandatory measures noted in the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

For example, Russia’s Criminal Code narrowly defines rape and sexual offences as coercion with the use or threat of violence or taking advantage of the “helpless state of the victim”, while marital rape is not criminalised at all. According to a note to Article 134 of the Criminal Code, an adult accused of “sexual intercourse” with a child under the age of 16 may escape punishment “if it is established that this person and the offence committed by him have ceased to be socially dangerous in connection with his marriage to the victim(s).” Russia also lacks a system of protection for victims of violence, as well as shelters and support services for victims to turn to.

I remember just walking home through the village from the shop. A car stopped… They said they had decided to unite our fate. And they said, “Get in the car.” I remember my legs went numb. I was scared because I knew they were stronger physically, and I looked around hoping that someone would see that help was needed and that someone would stand up for me. There was no one around. I don’t know why, but at that moment it didn’t occur to me that I could scream [for help]… There were three of them. They all came out, and it turned out that I was blocked. Two in front of me and one behind me. And they said, “Get in the car.” And then I remember how scared I was and I decided that maybe I should do something.

Liana, Dagestan, abducted when she was 14

There are no up-to-date statistics on abductions of girls, but the authors of the report cite the following figures: between 1999 and 2007, over 650 reports of abductions for the purpose of forced marriage were registered in the North Caucasus and only 25 per cent of the cases were prosecuted. In most cases, victims of abductions are afraid to report them openly for fear of public condemnation and the law enforcement agencies, for their part, ignore such reports, even if they are received.

When they took me to the house, the women started to persuade me that he was a wonderful man, that I was so lucky, that he was so handsome, his family was good, that I should agree to marry him. But I didn’t want to and I said: “Well, I’m too young, how can I marry him? I’m small.” They ask, “How old are you?” I said, “I’ll be 18 in two months.” They say, “What do you mean young? You’re just right!”

Larisa, Ingushetia, abducted when she was 17

Researchers note that young people in the North Caucasus, on the one hand, no longer seek to “blindly follow established traditions’’, but on the other hand, they are becoming more religious, which leads to the traditionalisation of gender roles. In this regard, there is a trend towards the younger maternity, which indirectly points to the growing number of early marriages: it is not against Sharia law for minors to marry.

This practice affects girls and boys differently. Statistics are extremely limited, but even from them we can say that girls marry before adulthood ten times more often than boys. In 2021, according to official figures, 4,453 women married before the age of 18 in Russia. However, these figures do not reflect the real number, as often such marriages may not be registered in registries, being limited to religious rites.

At times like this, you realise that nobody needs you. (Crying.) You are nobody, and you don’t have a name. We had six people stolen from our cousins, girls. And none of the sisters were brought home by the older men. They said they should let them live there like that.

Khashtbi, Chechnya, abducted when she was 14

The concepts of “child marriage” and “forced marriage” — that is, without the consent of one or both partners, using physical or psychological violence — are closely linked and often include the abduction of the young woman. This is another tradition that is often still violent.

Islamic figures now regard abduction as an inadmissible form of marriage; it is actually forbidden under the Sharia. However, even in this case, girls can still be regarded “as an object not endowed with the right of independent choice”. Thus, in 2007, the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Dagestan decided that in local mosques, the Sharia marriage nikah in case of abduction will not be concluded without the consent of the bride’s parents.

The reason for early or forced marriage can also be the poverty of a girl’s family, especially if it has many children: parents or other relatives simply want to get rid of an extra mouthful. One of the women interviewed told the researchers that her family had received a large kalym for her, i.e. in such cases it is actually a bride sale. The girls and young women themselves may not even resist because they are made responsible for the well-being of their family.

I felt it would be easier for my parents if I got married. I am the eldest in the family and we just had another [sister who became a] student. As a student, my parents couldn’t support me any more. It was too far to travel [to study], and it turns out that [providing for] two female students would be more difficult… And also these insecurities of mine to be a good girl for my parents, to please them at last… It was a kind of humanitarian aid to my parents, I understand it today… I wanted to help them this way.

Zarema, Ingushetia, forced marriage at 19

“I was studying and I was approached by a wealthy man who was eight years older than me, it was a good option from my parents’ point of view… We saw each other once. We were made to meet like that in public. I didn’t want to get married. But then it so happened that my parents took a big kalym from him without telling me, and only then they informed me.

Larisa, Ingushetia, forced marriage at 17

In Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan, patriarchal attitudes are strong, which means that women’s lives are under constant strict control, especially in the sexual sphere. A woman’s “immoral” behaviour, according to society, leads to the “dishonouring” of the whole family and is therefore severely punished. The family tries to get a girl married as soon as possible, fearing that she may “defame” her family by socialising with men.

Hence the practice of “honour” killings, which still occurs in these republics. In this connection, a kidnapped girl is almost never returned by her relatives, as she is considered to be “unclean.” Moreover, in the case of kidnapping, the victim herself is still blamed. This is often the case with rape victims, who are either killed or married off to their rapist.

“When they brought me into the hospital, my feet were covered in blood. Only the doctor came in and saw, she immediately said: ‘She was raped.’ I didn’t even say anything, her tears were flowing…” the report quotes the story of a girl from Ingushetia who was abducted at the age of 17. “I went and told everything. I wrote a statement. Then Zaur’s relatives became alarmed. My relatives beat me up, but they did nothing to him… Then the older men started coming to ask me to marry Zaur. My father was against it, but my male relatives said: ‘She should either go to the grave or get married. She is no longer a girl.’ They also blamed me. I was given away for him, and I didn’t even know that I was married off… No one even asked me if I wanted to marry him or not.”

Svetlana Anokhina, a journalist and founder of the Marem Human Rights Project, which helps abused women in the North Caucasus, said that last year they received 33 appeals from girls who were about to be forcibly married off. In the first half of 2024, they have already received 21 such appeals.

“This is threat to all girls who live with their parents. It’s just that sometimes we don’t really notice it, because there is no direct threat that matchmakers are about to come,” stresses the human rights activist. “But it should be understood that when we talk about forced marriage, it does not mean that the parents have a knife to the throat — the whole system of upbringing of a girl assumes that one day she will be shown a man whose wife she will become.”

The main reason for this, Anokhina explains, is the belief of traditional society that a woman is born only to maintain her innocence, to marry, to be a good wife and daughter-in-law, and to bear children. That is why they try to marry her off quickly, so that she does not ‘disgrace’ the family, so that her name does not appear in some gossip — all this spoils her ‘market value’. Islamic figures, the journalist notes, also mostly say that the girl should be raised strictly and taken out of school early so that she does not come into contact with boys there.

“Why should she sit at home then, she should be married off quickly,” Anokhina explains. “And if a girl has a soft character, she doesn’t even resist. Sometimes they even say, ‘Well, what do you mean forced? I didn’t want to, but my parents said: “Come out, get married.” So I agreed.’ Many do not even have a thought to protest. For them it’s the norm: to marry a man they don’t know, because everyone around them says it should be like that. What they are experiencing, we cannot know. We only find out when they run away.”

I was very afraid of my father, I wasn’t even friends with any of the boys. To be honest, I was afraid to come home after everything, I thought he would kill me.

Khashtbi, Chechnya, abducted when she was 14

They thought as I was already 19, that I could go down a bad path, that I could go the wrong way, socialise with guys, leave and then come back. That would’ve been such a shame for them.

Zarema, Ingushetia, abducted at 19

As a rule, if a girl was raped as a child, it was only discovered when she got married — and then she was killed, a social worker from Ingushetia said in a conversation with researchers.

“There was a case when a grandfather raped his five-year-old granddaughter. The father killed her and they buried her,” she said. “That was years ago now, probably about ten years ago. And he [the grandfather] said such a thing that she sat on his lap. That is, she seduced him by the fact that she, a child of five, was very fond of walking with him and sitting on his lap… He took the child’s attention as seduction.”

Violence in the new family, lack of education, and health problems. Consequences of early and forced marriages

Early marriage also harms girls later in marriage. Often violence continues in the husband’s family, both on his part and on the part of his relatives. It manifests itself in different forms: economic, physical, psychological and sexual.

Girls and young women who marry early usually have to interrupt their education, and rarely can continue it afterwards; sometimes they do not even have a full school education. In the husband’s family, they are responsible for taking care of the household, serving his relatives, giving birth to and bringing up children.

“If a girl manages to keep her job or her studies, it’s a great deal of luck. Sometimes Chechen, Dagestani and Ingush women say to us: ‘What are you talking about? I study and work, I have my own car and my own business,’” says Svetlana Anokhina. “And then I ask one question: ‘If one day your husband or parents say to you: “That’s it, it’s over”, [you can’t do it anymore] what will happen?’ And when they shut up, it becomes clear that these are privileges and freedoms that do not belong to them, they are granted to them and can be taken away at any time.”

Even if an early-married girl manages to get a job, it will almost certainly be unofficial and rather low-paid. Even so, the money she earns is usually managed by her husband or his family.

I was working in the market, trading… He didn’t work… I had to earn money, bring food, boil it, leave it, sew, and many more to go to the market the next day… I walked around in horrible clothes… He controlled my financial flow that I earned… It was insulting at some point, but overall I thought it was the right thing to do.

Suzanna, Chechnya, early marriage at 17

Almost all women interviewed for the study spoke about humiliation and pressure from their spouse, mother-in-law or other relatives. They are burdened with all the housework, are constantly controlled, and are actually deprived of freedom, not allowing them to see their parents. Almost half of the respondents (14 out of 31) spoke about physical violence on the part of their husbands: they are slapped, kicked, objects thrown at them, pushed, strangled and so on.

When I ordered this wall, of course he beat me up that without his permission, his knowledge, I could afford to order this kitchen wall.

Ruket, Ingushetia, abducted when she was 15

When you are already married, that’s it… it’s already like a prison where there are no rights, only responsibilities. You become a housewife, a cook, a cleaner and everything related to that, and there is no passion and happiness in marriage.

Zalina, Ingushetia, abducted when she was 17

Four of the women interviewed directly admitted that their husbands raped them; some of the others implied it indirectly, mentioning that they were not interested in sex life and did not want to have intimate contacts with their spouse. Rape of girls who are married early or forced into marriage is common: girls may simply not be ready for sex or may dislike the spouse.

This is confirmed by the stories of the Marem applicants, as cited by Svetlana Anokhina, the founder of the human rights project.

• A girl from Chechnya was married off at the insistence of her mother, who said that if she refused, she would be beaten. While she was married, her husband complained to his parents that she was cold towards him, but she simply disliked him. The girl ran away. Only then was she allowed to get a divorce.
• A girl from Dagestan was married off at the age of 15. Her husband beat her so badly that she lost her child. She was allowed to get a divorce, but in the end she was locked up in her parents’ house, beaten and not even allowed to get a passport. The girl had a choice: either stay at home as a free maid or remarry. She chose the other way – and escaped with the help of Marem.
• Another Chechen woman was married off early. She gave birth to two children and divorced a few years later – her ex-husband did not give her children back and her father also forbade her to take them. She has no support at home, on the contrary, she is beaten and forced to remarry. Her family demands that she just forgets about her children and starts living from scratch.
• The family of another Dagestani girl moved from the republic to Moscow. There, the girl ran away from her brothers and mother. They are looking for her and threaten to take her back to Dagestan, lock her up at home and marry her off.
• Another applicant from Chechnya was married off at the age of 16 to a man much older than her, who raped her during the marriage. She fled but then returned because of her parents’ illness, she was remarried. “But we took her away,” says Anokhina.

Crisis centres, education and criminal liability for perpetrators. Overcoming the practice of early and forced marriage

In general, girls and young women who have been forcibly married do not go anywhere, believing that if they have not been helped by their own family, they can hardly count on the support of strangers. The authorities, both regional and federal, do little to protect victims of violence.

For example, in Chechnya and then Ingushetia, fines were introduced for kidnapping for marriage, but this did not eradicate the problem: some of the women interviewed for this study were kidnapped after the ban had been lifted. In addition, because of the notorious fear for the “honour” of the family, a girl’s relatives may marry her off to her abductor anyway.

In the beginning, at least they made you pay, and if someone didn’t have the opportunity to pay, it was a deterrent,” said an expert from Ingushetia who spoke to the researchers. – Although it is a small sum, 200,000 roubles. As a rule, the religious representatives who are supposed to demand compliance with this law say: ’Oh, he’s poor, he won’t be able to pay. Let’s not touch him.

The authors highlighted a number of recommendations that could help overcome the practice of early and forced marriage.

• Criminal liability for forcing minors to marry and compulsory state registration of all marriages.
• Free legal aid, redress and rehabilitation for victims of such marriages.
• A system of multi-disciplinary crisis centres, shelters, crisis flats where free emergency assistance can be provided to victims, especially in remote and rural areas.
• Advocacy to overcome customs that are harmful to girls’ development and health.
• Improving the literacy of underage girls themselves to be able to defend their rights, with a particular focus on protection from violence.
• Train law enforcement and court officials to more effectively enforce laws already in place to protect girls from abduction and forced marriage.

Human rights activist Svetlana Anokhina emphasises that the fight against violence against women should not start with the problem of forced marriages. “It is necessary to first realise, including at the legislative level, that a woman is a person. But as we see from the cases of numerous escapes of girls, the state itself is not on the side of the runaway girl, but on the side of those who persecute her,” she says. – The law enforcers consider the girl to be the property of her family. If a runaway can be forcibly seized and returned, how can you fight the fact that she is being forcibly married off?

The human rights activist emphasises that this is not a problem of the North Caucasus alone, but “systemic coordinated work of all law enforcement agencies throughout the country”. According to her, many times they have heard from law enforcers that they have an unspoken order: “Do not get involved in Caucasian cases”.

“Traditional values: if you are a girl, you are not a human being. They can put you in jail, they can marry you off by force, but they can’t let you go free if you run away, and the police won’t protect you,” Anokhina said.

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Xi’s strategy is as meticulous as it is bold. He has purged opposition within his ranks, securing a loyal cadre committed to his vision of Chinese supremacy on the world stage. His deft handling of relationships with giants like the US, India, Japan, and Russia has redefined traditional alliances and rivalries. For those watching, there’s a palpable sense of urgency – a recognition that we are witnessing the dawn of a new global order where China’s influence is inescapable and undeniable.

Meanwhile, the stage is set in India for a political showdown as the Lok Sabha Elections close. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is poised to secure a third consecutive term with his charisma (for his critics – an engineered charisma) and steadfast leadership. Despite murmurs of an upset from the Opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), Modi’s decade-long tenure has undeniably transformed India into a formidable force on the global stage despite growing dissent, frustrations, and inequality in the constituency. 

Under his watch, India’s economy has flourished and its population of 1.5 billion stands as its greatest asset, driving innovation and growth. As the election results loom, the world watches closely, recognising that India’s trajectory under Modi’s continued leadership could redefine the balance of power in Asia and beyond.

China and India hold the key to unlocking the full potential of Asia, bearing the hopes and aspirations of 4.5 billion people in the region. This is undeniably Asia’s century, a period marked by rapid growth, technological innovation, and unprecedented influence on the global stage. As China leverages its economic clout and India capitalises on its vast human resources, both nations are poised to lead Asia into a new era of prosperity and power. The world can no longer deny these two giants’ pivotal role in shaping Asia’s future and the world. 

Anti-Modi narratives

Focusing on the Indian elections, many predicted an easy victory for Modi, yet doubt crept in during the campaign trail with various narratives at play. A section of Western media and their proxies crafted stories forecasting Modi’s downfall, challenging his bid for a third consecutive term. 

Historically, Western media narratives have often been critical of Asia’s rise and this election cycle was no different. For decades, one of Asia’s finest, Lee Kuan Yew, showcased the hypocrisy of Western media with one-sided narratives and it was the turn of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to turn the heat on the Western press this time.

Hundreds of op-eds and articles from around the globe were critical of Premier Narendra Modi, and the BJP mushroomed during the campaign trail. Some projected Modi as a face and Home Minister Amit Shah as everything else. It would have been a tremendous and balanced story if they had also mentioned the Bush-Cheney and Blair-Mandelson combinations without projecting only in Asia, as these things occur. Politics is universal; no one has a monopoly on the power play.

However, dissent is reasonable as it allows you to recreate your narrative compellingly, if necessary; otherwise some of it can be ignored. Premier Modi and the Opposition leaders, such as Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal, all faced cyberbullying and hate from millions of social media critics. 

Dhruv Rathee, a young Indian YouTuber with 20.8 million subscribers, was adored by the anti-Modi section and hated by the Modi lovers. On average, his videos had 15 million views; some reaching 25 million views based on controversial subjects. Some of my colleagues who held independent or anti-Modi sentiments wanted to end Modi rule. Some were fearless and some were fearful. Young Rathee has shown the price of being daring, taking on a “tyrant,” as he narrated. Some enjoy money, some want fame, and some want power. Some want all three.

In our digital age, anti-Modi sentiments were widely disseminated and consumed. However, the impact on India’s 960 million voters will only become apparent in a few days as the world watches to see if these narratives swayed the electorate.

Modi and BJP campaign

The Modi and BJP campaign was bolstered by a decade of tangible successes, earning credibility despite facing numerous challenges and frustrations. Modi was presented as the definitive leader, synonymous with India’s recent economic strides and global presence. 

In contrast, the Opposition’s campaign lacked a singular anchor, relying instead on a collective team effort. Going up against a worldwide brand like Modi, with his track record of economic achievements, demanded a monumental and unified Opposition strategy. As election results loom, the question remains whether this collective effort was enough to challenge the incumbency and sway the electorate.

Modi projected himself as a divine gift to rejuvenate India and secure its rightful place on the global stage. This ‘messiah’ narrative is a familiar trope in political communications, evoking a sense of destiny and inevitability. 

The Opposition needed another charismatic leader or a robust alternative policy, action plan, and narrative to counter such an influential figure. However, Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi, the latest torchbearers of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, were criticised for their lack of imagination and coherence in their campaign. As a result, their efforts struggled to gain traction against Modi’s well-crafted persona and proven track record. 

It is seldom that a leader can blow his own trumpet. You need your allies to project how great you are. However, Modi said he was a godsend and gifted and his team said he was a godsend and gifted. It was missing in the Rahul and Priyanka duo. INDIA leaders like Kumar, Banerjee, Kejriwal, Yadav, Stalin, and Pawar seldom backed an anchor in cohesion. It’s understandable; all the above political brands are too big to sing hosanna for someone else. The fragile egos, personal interests, and political empires do not allow you to be united. Even in sports, all-star teams end up faring poorly. 

Modi, the saviour

Modi’s projection of himself as India’s saviour draws parallels to historical figures like Ashoka, Napoleon, and Alexander the Great, who also cast themselves as divinely-ordained leaders. After his transformative embrace of Buddhism, Ashoka positioned himself as a benevolent ruler destined to bring peace and prosperity to South Asia. Similarly, Napoleon portrayed himself as bringing order and reform to post-revolutionary France. At the same time, Alexander the Great saw himself as a destined conqueror, spreading Greek culture across the known world. 

In the book ‘Discovery of India’ (written in 1946), the great Jawaharlal Nehru (first Prime Minister of India from 1947 to 1964) writes: “Often, as I wandered from meeting to meeting, I spoke to my audience of this India of ours, of Hindustan and of Bharata, the old Sanskrit name derived from the mythical founder of the race. I seldom did so in the cities, for their audiences were more sophisticated and wanted strong fare. But to the peasant, with his limited outlook, I spoke of this great country for whose freedom we were struggling, of how each part differed from the other and yet was India, of common problems of the peasants from north to south and east to west, of the swaraj that only could be for all and every part and not for some. 

“I told them about journeying from the Khyber Pass in the far northwest to Kanyakumari or Cape Comorin in the distant south and how everywhere the peasants put me identical questions, for their troubles were the same – poverty, debt, vested interests, landlords, moneylenders, heavy rents and taxes, police harassment, and all these wrapped up in the structure that the foreign government had imposed upon us – and relief must also come for all. 

“I tried to make them think of India as a whole and even to some little extent of this wide world of which we were a part. I brought in the struggle in China, Spain, Abyssinia, Central Europe, Egypt, and the countries of Western Asia. I told them of the wonderful changes in the Soviet Union and the great progress made in America. The task was not easy, yet it was not so difficult as I had imagined, for our ancient epics, myths, and legends, which they knew so well, had made them familiar with the conception of their country. Some there were always who had travelled far and wide to the great places of pilgrimage, situated at the four corners of India.”

I quote him again: “Sometimes I reached a gathering, a great roar of welcome would greet me. ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ – ‘Victory to Mother India’. I would ask them unexpectedly what they meant by that cry: who was this ‘Bharat Mata,’ Mother India, whose victory they wanted? My question would amuse them and surprise them, and then, not knowing exactly what to answer, they would look at each other and me. I persisted in my questioning. At last, a vigorous Jat, wedded to the soil from immemorial generations, would say it was the ‘dharti,’ the good earth of India, that they meant. What earth? Their particular village patch, or all the patches in the district or province, or in the whole of India? And so question and answer went on till they would ask me impatiently to tell them all about it. 

“I would endeavour to do so and explain that India was all this that they had thought, but it was much more. The mountains and the rivers of India, and the forests and the broad fields, which gave us food, were all dear to us, but what counted ultimately were the people of India, people like them and me, who were speared out all over this vast land. ‘Bharat Mata,’ Mother India, was essentially these millions of people, and victory to her meant victory to these people. You are parts of this ‘Bharat Mata,’ I told them, you are in a manner to yourselves ‘Bharat Mata,’ and as this idea slowly soaked into their brains, their eyes would light up as if they had made an extraordinary discovery.”

Rahul and Priyanka, the great-grandchildren of the great Jawaharlal Nehru, were leading the anti-Modi campaign. The above paragraph could have been their campaign narrative, but it was Modi’s campaign line for the last 10 years – and for the next five years, if he succeeds in securing a third successive term on 4 June. 

Religio-political wars

‘Bharat Mata’ was the underlying campaign theme for Modi 3.0, which took Nehru’s ‘Bharat Mata’ concept to a different level. Nehru was widely regarded for his stand for secular India but there are severe questions and critics of Modi’s path for India – weaponising Hinduism for political power. In India, approximately 80% of the population by religion are Hindus and 14% are believers of Islam as per the 2011 census. As per census reports, a 1951 to 2011 comparison shows a 5% reduction of Hindus and in the same period a 45% growth of believers of Islam. 

The religious political wars have become the norm again; even the rise of Muslim political leadership in the United Kingdom has been the talk of the town recently, with Sadiq Khan holding onto the Mayorship of London since 2016. In Indonesia, vote bank politics are shaping up, with Islam as a shield; in Russia, the orthodox church plays a role in politics; and in the US, Christian nationalism is on the rise. 

Unfortunately, over centuries, humankind has been divided by religion. Instead, can religion unite people? Can a rejuvenated Bharat show the way for tolerance, diversity, and harmony to the world? 

In the last 30 years, India rebranded its main cities from colonial names to national names. Today, Bombay is Mumbai, Calcutta is Kolkata, Madras is Chennai, Bangalore is Bengaluru, Poona is Pune, and Banaras is Varanasi. If Modi succeeds in securing his third successive term on 4 June, will we see Bharat instead of India? Bharat will be Modi’s Ashoka moment. If that occurs, this will be one of the most significant brand changes in humanity’s history.

Xi and the ‘Chinese dream’

Like Modi, Xi crafted a narrative positioning himself as the chosen one, uniquely destined to lead China into a new era of greatness. Xi didn’t rely solely on revolutionary or economic credentials like Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping. Instead, he blended these legacies, portraying himself as the leader who could fulfil China’s historic rejuvenation mission.

Just as Ashoka, Napoleon, and Alexander the Great used the mantle of destiny to consolidate their power, Xi presented himself as the harbinger of a ‘Chinese dream’ – a vision of national renewal and global prominence. Through sweeping reforms, an assertive foreign policy, and strategic purges within his party, Xi solidified his position, projecting an image of stability and certainty.

These modern leaders harnessed historical narratives of messianic leadership in China and India, crafting personas destined to elevate their nations. Modi and Xi’s stories underscore a timeless political truth: when a leader casts themselves as a divinely favoured saviour, it becomes a formidable task for any opposition to mount a practical challenge without an equally compelling vision or figurehead. As a result, their nations stand at the forefront of Asia’s rise, shaping the region’s destiny in profound and lasting ways.

Enter Arvind Kejriwal

In China, the one-party rule under Xi ensures a controlled political landscape. However, in India’s vibrant democracy, winning a third successive term is an uphill battle for any leader. Modi’s stature and the BJP’s well-oiled political machinery present formidable challenges. Yet, amidst this daunting scenario, INDIA began to find momentum in the middle of the campaign. 

Emerging against all odds, this coalition started to resonate with voters, presenting a united front capable of challenging Modi’s dominance. Its late surge introduced an element of unpredictability, with many fearing an upset. The alliance’s ability to galvanise support and craft a compelling narrative in the final stages underscored the dynamic and resilient nature of Indian democracy, where even the most entrenched leaders can face significant challenges.

Not many would agree with me, but the Arvind Kejriwal fiasco and his subsequent jail term significantly disrupted INDIA’s momentum. Suddenly, amid a carefully orchestrated campaign, the focus shifted entirely to Kejriwal. This unplanned and unwarranted incident highlights how fragile political campaigns can be. 

In the high-stakes arena of political campaigning, unexpected events can swiftly derail even the most well-planned strategies. INDIA, which had begun to find its footing and generate genuine enthusiasm, was blindsided by the controversy surrounding Kejriwal. Instead of pushing forward with its collective message, it was forced into a defensive position, grappling with damage control and standing for Kejriwal.

Power struggle on the cards

If Kejriwal survives his legal battles and Modi secures another victory, the political arena is set for a dramatic power struggle. Kejriwal, driven by boundless ambition and armed with a reputation for grassroots activism, could challenge the leadership of Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi within the Opposition. His relentless focus on anti-corruption (but he is booked for corruption now) and governance reforms resonates strongly with urban middle-class and disenfranchised voters, positioning him as a compelling alternative to Modi. 

This rise would inevitably clash with the Gandhis, who have long been the faces of the Congress Party and national politics. As Kejriwal’s influence grows, a fierce battle for dominance within the Opposition is likely to unfold, with his soaring ambitions threatening to overshadow the traditional leadership of the Gandhis. This internal struggle could redefine the dynamics of Indian politics, with both sides vying for the mantle of a chief challenger to Modi’s BJP.

‘Messiah’ narrative

The ‘messiah’ narrative is not confined to Asia. Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency in 2017 was a masterclass in creating a narrative more significant than life itself. With his ‘Make America Great Again’ slogan, he cast himself as the saviour of a nation that, in his telling, had lost its way. This powerful, emotionally-charged message resonated deeply with many Americans who felt left behind by the political establishment.

Trump’s unconventional, often irrational approach allowed him to dominate the news cycle and overshadow his opponent, Hillary Clinton. While Clinton campaigned on experience and policy, Trump ran circles around her with his relentless energy and brash rhetoric. His ability to tap into the fears and hopes of voters, combined with a relentless focus on his narrative of national rejuvenation, ultimately won him the day. Despite his unpredictability and contentious style, Trump’s message struck a chord, propelling him to a victory that defied conventional political logic. 

Trump vs. Biden in 2024 will be a great watch. The US needs a strongman at the negotiation table with Xi, Modi, and Putin. If the former President runs, he will inevitably invoke ‘Make America Great Again’ with more vigour than in 2016. The US is not Reagan’s US anymore. It’s easier to talk about the inner core desires of Americans for pride. The pride they grew up with is slowly vanishing by the day.

Politics makes strange bedfellows. It’s not for the faint-hearted. It’s a blood sport. It’s all about the art of possibility. It’s about capturing power and, most importantly, sustaining power. The below from ‘The Panchatantra’ sums up the world: ‘All things in the world live off one another, using many different strategies to do so, some peaceful, others not so peaceful. Think.’

Rulers live off their lands,

Physicians off the sick,

Merchants live off the consumers, 

They learned from fools;

Thieves live off the unwary,

Almsmen off householders;

Harlots off pleasure seekers,

And workers of the whole world.

Snares of many sorts are carefully set;

Day and night, they lie in wait, watchful,

Surviving by sheer strength – fish eating fish. 

Fish eating fish — for survival. Once in power, you would not want to leave. Politics is a microcosm of human life. ‘Messiahs’ are not immortal and there is a downside. The sustainability of the narrative depends on not only the leader’s code of conduct but also his followers and the machinery. 

In the midst of this, Asia is rising. There is hope for the world.

By Saliya Weerakoon

The post Asian roar appeared first on Tashkent Citizen.

Shodiev — not his real name — says that every week he treats about 15 clients who ask him to expel what they believe is an evil spirit, or jinni, possessing them, or to rid them from “an evil eye.”

The 53-year-old cleric has been practicing exorcisms — which he learned to do from his father — for more than two decades. Most of Shodiev’s clients come from Dushanbe and nearby districts, but some to travel from faraway regions to seek his help.

Shodiev says he doesn’t have a set fee for performing the Islamic rite. “It’s up to the clients how much to pay.”

Three Tajik clerics who spoke to RFE/RL claimed the demand for exorcisms is on the rise in the predominately Muslim country.

There are no official statistics in Tajikistan on exorcisms or the number of people performing the centuries-old practice, which survived decades of religious crackdowns during the atheistic Soviet era and most recently the Tajik government’s attempts to restrict exorcisms.

Tajik laws do not ban the procedure. But several men who perform exorcisms have been jailed in recent years on charges of fraud, sexual molestation, or practicing the occult.

Some Tajiks see the ongoing efforts by the secular government as a way to keep a tab on “all things religious.” As part of that campaign, Islamic hijabs have been banned in schools and offices, while growing a long or bushy beard is frowned upon for young men.

Exorcisms are practiced among the followers of Islam, Christianity, and some other world religions.

There is a belief among Muslims that an evil spirit or jinni can possess a person but can be driven out of the possessed person’s body through an exorcism that includes reciting certain verses from the Koran.

But several Tajik clergymen told RFE/RL that many clerics in the country refrain from performing exorcism because it requires special training.

In the meantime, the spike in demand for exorcisms has led to a rise in the number of self-proclaimed exorcists, and charlatans, according to the clerics and officials. Many of them perform exorcisms and do faith healings.

Some also mix in elements of the occult, which is outlawed in Tajikistan and prohibited within Islam.

Tajikistan’s Religious Affairs Committee said, “Muslims believe that the Koran has healing powers, therefore they seek help [from exorcisms] to treat certain mental health issues, but unfortunately there have been cases in which some [self-proclaimed exorcists] tried to take advantage of people’s [religious] beliefs.”

Exorcism Gone Wrong

Tajik law-enforcement agencies in recent years released what they called footage of self-proclaimed exorcists and faith healers molesting their female clients. The incidents were allegedly recorded by hidden cameras, which police installed after receiving complaints.

In 2021, police in the northern Sughd Province released a video that purportedly shows Alijon Ghaniev, a 50-year-old self-proclaimed exorcist and faith healer, performing an unusual ritual on a female client that ends with sexual intercourse.

According to local media, Ghaniev charged his 21-year-old client the equivalent of $14 for three exorcism and faith healing sessions.

State television showed what it described as Ghaniev’s exorcism tools, including several knives, tarot cards, various herbs, and a bunch of dried tree branches. Once in police custody, Nabiev told the TV channel that he regretted his actions “getting out of control under the devil’s temptation.”

It is not clear if Nabiev’s confession was voluntary or was made under pressure.

In a similar case in 2019, a court in Hisor district handed a prison sentence to Juraboi Sochaev, who was accused of sexually harassing his female clients during exorcism rites. Sochaev charged his clients up to $270 for a session, prosecutors said.

A probe is under way in the northern city of Khujand against a self-proclaimed exorcist, Abduvali Nabiev, 68, who was arrested in October on sexual harassment charges.

Police and prosecutors said none of the men has had religious education or medical training but claimed to have special abilities to expel jinni and treat ailments.

Exorcisms made shocking headlines in Central Asia recently when a woman died due to severe beatings during the ritual in the Uzbek capital, Tashkent.

Court documents say two men used a hammer, chain, and stakes in the procedure that broke several of the woman’s ribs and caused internal bleeding. The exorcists were sentenced to 2 1/2 and three years in prison.

Gone Underground

Asked about the tragic Uzbek case, Shodiev said he has never performed or heard of an exorcism that led to physical harm.

“We do use some tools, but we don’t beat the clients to death, we just tap their elbow, for example, with the blunt side of a knife,” Shodiev said.

Shodiev and many others in Tajikistan no longer perform exorcisms openly, fearing what they see as the government’s campaign against the practice.

About five to seven years ago, clients used to come to Shodiev’s house for the procedure, but nowadays he visits them in the evenings in their homes to perform the ritual.

“I don’t want to get accused of some made-up charges, like practicing the occult, for example,” he said.

For some Tajiks — such as Akmal Halimov, a 34-year-old resident of the Vadhat district — the scandals surrounding the exorcists have done little to erode their faith in the religious ritual.

Halimov believes an exorcism saved him after he “was possessed by an evil spirit” during his student years in Dushanbe.

“My relatives took me to a mullah who treated me for 10 days. After that I felt that something bad had left my body,” he said.

But in the rural district of Mastchoh, Zuhro Mukhtorova isn’t optimistic about receiving any benefits from an exorcism.

About a decade ago, the 34-year-old Mukhtorova developed an illness that affects her ability to speak. When medical treatments didn’t help, relatives suggested she must have been “possessed by jinni.” Mukhtorova has been to several exorcists, but despite her faith in them the rituals have not helped her.

She still speaks with difficulty and has given up on exorcisms.

Source: RFERL

The post Demand For Exorcisms On The Rise In Tajikistan And Central Asia, Despite Crackdown, Scandals appeared first on Tashkent Citizen.

On April 21, 2019 – Easter Sunday – a coordinated series of bombings ripped through Sri Lanka, targeting churches and luxury hotels. Over 260 people were killed, making it the deadliest terrorist attack ever suffered by Sri Lanka. The attack has continued to resonate in Sri Lankan society and politics, as the public demands to untangle questions of responsibility: Why was the attack not prevented, and what can be done to stop the next one?

To understand the context behind the bombings, The Diplomat’s Shannon Tiezzi interviewed Dr. Rohan Gunaratna, a professor of security studies at the Nanyang Technological University who founded Singapore’s International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research. Based on his interviews with terrorists and extremists in Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Indonesia, Philippines and elsewhere, Gunaratna has author a dozen books including his most recent work, “Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Massacre: Lessons for the International Community” published by Penguin-Random House. 

In this email interview, Gunaratna explained the rise of Islamic extremism in Sri Lanka in general, as well as the motivations for this particular attack. He also analyzed the operational failures on the part of the government. “Soon after the end of the war, Sri Lanka experienced an exacerbation of ethnocentric politics that gave rise to a spectrum of ethnoreligious groups,” he said. That created a trend of “radicalization and reciprocal radicalization,” which successive governments seemed uninterested in tackling.

Ultimately, Gunaratna argued, “The Easter Sunday attack took place because Sri Lankan politicians compromised national interests for personal gain.”

The growth of Wahhabism has been a key factor in Islamic extremism around the world. How has this trend played out in Sri Lanka?

Religious violence is a global phenomenon. All faiths – Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Sikhism – have been misinterpreted to spread hate and conduct attacks. The teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood, and its breakaway factions, its Asian version Jamaat-e-Islami, as well as Salafi Wahhabism radicalized Muslims and eventually separated Muslims from non-Muslims. Many countries have criminalized these politico-religious organizations and ideologies, banned their literature and books, blocked their online sites, and rehabilitated their preachers. 

The worst act of international terrorism after 9/11, the Easter Sunday massacre in Sri Lanka did not manifest overnight. The Easter Sunday attack was the culmination of Muslim radicalization over three decades in Sri Lanka. Both Sri Lankan political leaders and Muslim religious leaders neglected their responsibility to protect the religious space, a sacred treasure infiltrated and influenced by political radicals and religious fanatics. [Even before the Easter attacks] 11 incidents, including attacking local and traditional Muslims, breaking statues, shooting government informants, and running terrorist training camps, were organized and conducted by leaders and members of Salafi Wahhabism and Jamaat-e-Islami. 

Islamization and Arabization in Sri Lanka was funded by Middle Eastern governments, especially by their religious and educational institutions that gave scholarships to study in Medina. The geopolitical rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran empowered these ideologies and doctrines. Funded by charities, religious fanatics spread these narratives under the guise of spreading “pure” or “pristine Islam.” 

After [Saudi Crown Prince] Mohammed bin Salman came to power, he has taken decisive steps to remove hateful content from the school textbooks. Saudi Arabia, where Salafi Wahhabism originated, has imprisoned and started to rehabilitate radical and violent clerics. As such, the ideological and operational threat is moving from the core in the Middle East to the periphery in Asia, Africa, and the Western world. 

The countries to which these vicious doctrines spread from Saudi Arabia in the past, such as Sri Lanka, have not been successful in dismantling the Salafi Wahhabi mosques, madrassahs and their institutions. Similarly, the religious authorities have neglected their responsibility to monitor the activities of these institutions and re-educate their clerics on the need to promote moderation, toleration and coexistence.

You make the point that Islamic extremism was growing alongside, and even in concert with, Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka. How have groups like the BBS contributed to the overall environment of religious extremism in the country?

Until the Easter Sunday attack, Sri Lankan Islam was considered idyllic. Islam evolved in Sri Lanka side by side with Buddhism, Christianity, and Hinduism. After Sri Lanka transformed into an open economy in 1977, Sri Lankan Muslims went to work and study in the Middle East, especially in the Gulf. Muslims were culturally Sri Lankan until then. Gradually, the peaceful Islam was supplanted by political Islam. 

A tiny segment of the Muslims started to developed a distinct identity, asking for their own schools, demanded halal food and embraced Gulf dress codes. A segment of Muslim women started to mimic Gulf culture, wear the black Abaya and even cover their face, and men started to grow long beards and wear the thobe. The most extreme Muslims did not want to associate with non-Muslims and did not want Muslims or their charities to support non-Muslims. Eventually nearly 500 Arab and other foreign preachers arrived in Sri Lanka and radicalized a segment of the Sri Lankan Muslims. 

In response to this shift, Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, ultra-nationalism, and extremism emerged. Of a dozen groups formed, the most vocal and visible was Bodu Bala Sena (BBS). Soon after the end of the war, Sri Lanka experienced an exacerbation of ethnocentric politics that gave rise to a spectrum of ethnoreligious groups. 

At times, the lack of political will to counter both Sinhala Buddhist and Muslim extremist groups created a further divide and polarization of communities. Even in some cases, as seen with the Digana, Dharga, and Ampara anti-Muslim riots, Sinhala Buddhist groups such as BBS, Sinhale and Mahason Balakaya were able to operate with impunity. There have also been biases within successive governments in countering Sinhala Buddhist extremism that created the conditions for Islamism and Muslim extremism to thrive. Ethnocentric political decisions such as the [forced] cremation of COVID-19 dead affected the Muslim population. These decisions are seen as a catalyst for disrupting the cordial relationship between the Sinhalese and Muslims. 

Although the BBS leader Ven Gnanasara was imprisoned, successive governments failed to ban his group, the BBS and similar groups. As a government, Sri Lanka could have done more to fight the rising tide against Muslims. For instance, government should have neither permitted the Myanmarese anti-Rohingya Buddhist monk Wirathu nor the Indian hate preacher Zakir Naik to visit Sri Lanka. These developments led to radicalization and reciprocal radicalization. 

Irrespective of faith, government and religious bodies should take firm action not only against deviant monks, Muslim clerics, and clergy of any denomination but seize their assets. Every year, the government should review and ban religious groups and designate personalities engaged in activities prejudicial to social harmony. 

In an operational sense, how did Islamic State affiliates evolve in Sri Lanka? How did these groups recruit members and grow their ranks?

The ideological foundation of al-Qaida, Islamic State, and other threat groups can be traced back to Salafi Wahhabism’s doctrine of Al Wala Wal Bara or “loyalty to Muslims and hatred to non Muslims.” I have posted a video of Zahran Hashim, the leader of the Easter Sunday attackers referring to Al Wala Wal Bara as his foundational ideology. 

Although the term al Wala (loyalty to Muslims) and separately Wal Bara (disavowal of Muslims) exist separately in the Quran, the phrase “Al Wala Wal Bara” as a collective does not exist either in the Quran or the Hadith. Unfortunately, Muslim religious leaders including in Sri Lanka have not adequately countered this misinterpretation of the Quran that is driving the contemporary wave of exclusivism, extremism, violence, and terrorism. For instance, immediately before pledging allegiance to [Islamic State leader] Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, Zahran says that he is conducting a “heroic martyrdom operation” to please Allah. Ideally they should do a point-by-point rebuttal of these deviations from mainstream Islam. 

Those indoctrinated and radicalized by the politico-religious ideology of Salafi Wahhabism and Jamaat-e-Islami mount attacks in two phases. First, they attack local and traditional Muslims, especially Sufis, who place humanity above religion. In the case of Sri Lanka, Salafi Wahhabis attacked nearly 5,000 homes, businesses, shrines, and graveyards. Second, they attack non-Muslims considered infidels or kafir. In the case of Sri Lanka, they attacked Christian, Hindu, and Buddhist images. 

After denying that religious extremism has spread in their community, a segment of Muslim religious, political and community leaders neglected their responsibility in three areas. First, stopping Salafi Wahhabism, Jamaat-e-Islami, and other foreign ideologies from taking root in Sri Lanka. They have not unequivocally stated that these are foreign ideologies that will harm the cordial relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims. Even after the government banned Salafi Wahhabi groups following the Easter Sunday attack, a few Muslim leaders campaigned to delist those groups. 

Second, Muslim leaders, by failing to work with successive governments to monitor, identify, and dismantle the [radical] mosques, madrassahs, and other institutions, ignored deviant ideologies and doctrines. Unless the religious space is tightly regulated, these deviant teachings and preachings will sooner or later harm cordial intra-Muslim and inter-faith relations. 

Third, Muslim leaders, especially theological leaders, need to re-educate their clerics on the need to promote moderation, toleration, and coexistence. As most of the Islamic State Sri Lanka Branch leaders of the Easter Sunday massacre were clerics, the religious authorities in Sri Lanka should conduct courses and accredit clerics to practice Sri Lankan Islam or Islam contextualized to Sri Lanka. 

It’s been widely reported that the Sri Lanka government had advance notice that an attack was in the works, but failed to stop the Easter bombings. What was behind this failure? Was this a case of operational shortcomings, or were there – as shockingly alleged in a British documentary – political motives?

The Easter Sunday attack took place because Sri Lankan politicians compromised national interests for personal gain. The political leaders did not act decisively against Muslim exclusivism and extremism as the Muslim vote is important for them to remain in power. It is the politicians that failed to preempt the attack by failing to instruct the law enforcement authorities to disrupt and dismantle the terrorist and extremist infrastructure as well as prevent the attack by failing to guide the religious authorities to regulate the religious space.

The Easter Sunday attack was not an intelligence failure but an operational failure. An operational failure means failure to act based on intelligence. On Muslim community radicalization, Islamic State (ISIS), and Zahran Hashim, the Sri Lankan intelligence community produced 337 reports from January 2015 to April 21, 2019, the day of the Easter massacre. Political leaders neglected intelligence reports that explained the threat in great detail. Some bureaucrats who wish to please the politicians did not instruct them to act. 

Even today, some members of the political opposition have created a conspiracy theory that the Easter attack was orchestrated by the Indian intelligence service, Research and Analysis Wing. It was India that provided sound and timely intelligence of the Easter attack. Similarly, the Channel Four documentary on Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday attack falsely alleged that Sri Lankan intelligence was behind the attack, but they have failed to provide a single piece of evidence to substantiate a claim by a bogus asylum seeker. 

In this age of denial of truth and fake news, as soon as an attack happens governments should keep both the stakeholders and the public informed. As public opinion is key, it is too late to wait for the investigations to be completed and the perpetrators charged and prosecuted. 

After the 9/11 attack, the Easter Sunday attack is one of the most investigated attacks. In addition to inquiries and investigations by three fact-finding bodies and three specialist divisions of the Sri Lankan police, INTERPOL, the Australian Federal Police, and the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigations have interviewed the suspects and scrutinized the recoveries including their phones, laptops and other electronic devices. 

To write “Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Massacre: Lessons for the International Community,” I conducted interviews over a period of one year with the rank and file of the Islamic State, Sri Lanka Branch, as well as Hadiya, widow of Zahran Hashim, the leader; Noufer, chief ideologue and deputy leader; and Milhan, head of the military wing. In addition to speaking to the investigators, I reviewed both the open source and classified reporting pertaining to Muslim community radicalization, ISIS, and Zahran Hashim including the 337 intelligence reports.

In the four years since the attack, Sri Lanka has been subsumed in various other crises: first the COVID-19 pandemic, then a debt default and economic crisis, followed by political instability that saw a new president and prime minister installed. Amid these other competing priorities, has Sri Lanka’s government made any progress in addressing the gaps that allowed the 2019 attacks to succeed?

If Sri Lanka learns the right lessons of the Easter massacre, the country will come out stronger and better. Fortunately, the Sri Lankan intelligence community is helmed by Major General Suresh Salley, an honest and a highly experienced national security practitioner. Furthermore, the second tier of the intelligence community is staffed by dedicated Muslim officers with significant expertise on Muslim radicalization. 

Unfortunately, the Easter Sunday attack is exploited by the political opposition, NGOs and a segment of the church. Rather than waste time, the visionary leaders of the Sri Lankan government and the political opposition should work together to develop a bipartisan approach to national security. Likewise, the NGOs, church and others should work with Muslim bodies – ACJU, DMRCA and Waqf Board – to reverse radicalization by starting rehabilitation. 

All around Sri Lanka, Muslim religious extremism is a persistent threat: to the north, in Kerala and Tamil Nadu; to the west, in Maldives; and to the east, in Indonesia and Philippines,. For instance, luxury hotels and churches in Indonesia and a cathedral in the Philippines, suffered from attacks by al-Qaida and Islamic State affiliates. The Easter attack is not an exception to the global trend of religious fanatics attacking churches and hotels. 

After the return of the Taliban-al-Qaida alliance to Afghanistan, religious extremism remains a formidable threat to Asia. To ensure that religious extremism is kept at bay, there should be constant and consistent efforts to contain and isolate religious exclusivism that leads to extremism, violence, and eventually to terrorism. There should be policies and persistent efforts to integrate Muslims into the Sri Lankan political, economic and social mainstream.  

As a mark of respect to those who perished and survived on Easter Sunday, the Muslim leaders should work with government to control and regulate the religious space. Rather than wait for government to act, Muslim religious leaders should initiate interfaith programs and projects including to create harmony centers to guide the community. Otherwise, the next generation too will witness similar attacks that will inevitably lead to Islamophobia, including anti-Muslim riots. 

To this date, the government and its Muslim partner institutions have not taken decisive action to implement the recommendations of the three fact finding bodies, which includes countering virulent ideologies, banning foreign preachers, restricting access to extremist sites and controlling radical books. On the contrary, driven by political considerations, at the request of a few Muslim leaders, government has delisted Salafi Wahhabi organizations banned after Easter attack. 

More broadly, what can Sri Lanka do to tamp down the growth of religious extremism of all types – and prevent further terrorist violence?

Securing a nation-state from terrorist violence is multifaceted and requires a partnership between government and community. Terrorism is a unique form of violence where the perpetrator attacks civilians to drive terror and fear. The targeting of civilians or the manifestation of terrorism is the result of a prolonged process of religious politicization and radicalization. In that cycle, suspicion leads to prejudice, prejudice to resentment, resentment to hate, hate to anger, anger to incitement, incitement to violence, and violence to terrorism. 

The state responding to terrorism or violence itself is ineffective. Before the end product of terrorism and violence, the threat is manifested as ideological extremism and exclusivism. While the primary responsibility for addressing terrorism and violence is with the government, the primary responsibility for addressing extremism and exclusivism is with the religious and civil partners, including the school and the family. Governments working with their religious and civil partners should address each stage of the threat, starting with exclusivism before it evolves into extremism. In addition to leadership at all levels to engage and empower government and community partners, mitigating the threat requires enacting far reaching legislation, creating robust structures and establishing evolving capabilities. 

First, the Sri Lankan president should establish a Presidential Council of Religious Leaders where the leaders or their deputy leaders meet every month to resolve religious disputes that could lead to violence. 

Second, the Sri Lankan police should create a separate division to monitor hate speech, especially incitement to violence, and take prompt action. 

Third, Sri Lanka should enact legislation to promote ethnic and religious harmony and protect the population from online falsehoods and manipulations, as well as a national security act, an intelligence act, and a counterterrorism act. 

Fourth, after assessing the levels of radicalization, Sri Lanka should commence rehabilitation of those arrested and released after Easter Sunday attack. 

Fifth, Sri Lanka should proscribe ideologies and their institutions. 

Sixth, to promote moderation, toleration, and coexistence, every province should have a harmony committee, every district, a harmony center, every university, a university harmony center, and every school, a harmony club. 

Seventh, appoint ambassadors of peace and champions of harmony and develop interfaith programs and projects in every mosque, temple, Kovil and church. 

Seventh, train and certify religious clerics, especially in other religions, and accredit them. 

Eighth, hold religious leaders and clergy responsible for securing the religious space and make them accountable. 

Ninth, monitor those arrested and released after Easter Sunday attack. 

Tenth, teach comparative religion or religious knowledge at school so that all faiths will be respected. 

The contemporary origins of violence and terrorism can be traced back to ideologies of exclusivism and extremism that reached Sri Lanka from the Gulf and the subcontinent. Almost all the violent and terrorist attacks by misguided Muslims can be traced back to either Salafi Wahhabism and Jamaat-e-Islami. Although a few Salafi Wahhabi organizations and Jamaat-e-Islami’s student wing have been banned, several Salafi Wahhabi organizations and Jamaat-e-Islami’s main organization are still radicalizing and recruiting [in Sri Lanka]. After they are banned, their institutions should be dismantled, their rank and file rehabilitated and reintegrated after their thinking is mainstreamed, and they should be monitored. 

The very first step is to raise public awareness and specialist understanding within the government that virulent ideologies sooner or later crystalize into violence and terror. Both the return of the Taliban-al-Qaida alliance to Afghanistan and instability in Pakistan present a threat to the South Asian region and beyond. Currently, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) is using regional grievances to appeal to the Muslims that are faced with marginalization and persecution. ISKP identified Zahran as one of its knights and paid tribute to Zahran in its propaganda magazine, which is an attempt to inspire more lone wolf attacks and Islamic State-inspired networks. In the backdrop of internal and external challenges, building a unified Sri Lankan identity is the need of the hour to counter this riding tide of religious extremism.

Source: The Diplomat

The post Rohan Gunaratna On The Roots Of Sri Lanka’s Deadly Easter Sunday Attacks appeared first on Tashkent Citizen.

Open your text messages. Scroll through a couple of threads with your close friends. Chances are you will find plenty of ! or !!! — to express anger or enthusiasm or sometimes just to lighten the mood. But in some contexts — in a note, say, to your boss or your mother-in-law — an ! might come off as too forceful or pushy or naively joyful. The Chicago Manual of Style says the punctuation should be used “sparingly to be effective.” But what does “sparingly” mean in our emphatic times? If you’re confused, you’re not alone; the exclamation point (or mark) has long been a source of confusion and contention. Naturally!

For the last three years, I have been studying the history of the exclamation point — and over the course of my research (which began with a study of parentheses) time and again I have come across flak against !. I began to wonder whether the exclamation point was really as “breathless, almost childish” as the “Penguin Guide to Punctuation” says it is. I read on, hoping someone would publish a manifesto in defense of the poor abused mark, but couldn’t find anything. So that someone turned out to be me.

What I love about ! is precisely the unabashed emotion that makes sober style guides uncomfortable. The exclamation point encodes feelings — and it doesn’t apologize for doing so. In fact, since its first known appearance, in the 1340s, ! has been praised for capturing the emotion of the author and encouraging emotions in the reader.

The ! was a bit of a late bloomer — sprouting up from the period, which along with the comma, colon and question mark had been around for hundreds of years. The Italian scholar Alpoleio da Urbisaglia, however, noticed with dismay that people would read what he called “admirative sentences” as statements or questions, which undermined both the meaning and the effect. In his Latin treatise “The Art of Punctuating,” Alpoleio suggested a new mark, one that would signal “admiration and wonder” through a period at the bottom of the line and an apostrophe dangling from the top of the line. ! was born, addressing an express need for emotion in text.

Amy Krause Rosenthal’s wonderful books include ‘Exclamation Mark!’

Renaissance writers put a premium on persuasion, gladly using any means at their disposal to make their readers feel, so the exclamation point quickly spread across Europe from manuscript to manuscript and enlarged its sphere of influence to indicate not only admiration and wonder but any strong emotion.

! was happily coasting along in the service of effective rhetoric until a shift occurred at the end of the 19th century. Its repercussions still determine our current critical attitudes: We started to become suspicious of emotion in any form in public or private life, preferring the clean straight lines of a Bauhaus building to the mischievous curlicues of a Renaissance palace. During the Victorian age, language was forced into a straitjacket of right or wrong on both sides of the Atlantic. Along with the zeitgeist of quantification, linguistics invented itself as an exact science that left little space for ambiguity, experimentation, excess and the conscious deviations that are the hallmark of a language that’s alive and breathing.

Influential household writing guides like “The King’s English” (1906) by the Fowler brothers, sternly admonishing that too many !!! “betray the uneducated,” contributed to banishing exclamation points into two realms where convincing through emotion was of the utmost importance: wartime propaganda and advertising. Private exclaiming was discouraged; there wasn’t even a dedicated ! key on the typewriter until the 1980s — before that, you had to return to the exclamation point’s olden days, performing a complicated period-backspace-apostrophe dance. Only those truly committed to shouting would go to such lengths.

But ! was merely in hiding, planning its comeback. And come back it did … with a vengeance: Smartphone technology enables us to simply leave our thumbbbbbbb on any of the hundreds of available keys and produce rows of characters with no added effort. Social media’s declared goal is informal, near-instant human communication. Put differently, it’s all about emotion.

It seems almost obvious now that the exclamation point would rise again when smartphones and the web emerged and pooled forces. But there’s more to our increased !!!!!!!! than just that: The internet is a supremely disembodied space. All writing is disembodied, but with the rise of digital communication, we don’t have reminders of the writer’s actual presence anymore; we don’t have paper to feel, folds and crumples to see, or individual letter forms to scrutinize, underlinings, scratchings-out, a stamp that’s been licked. Both writer and reader are reduced to electronic impulses, as if they never existed as flesh and blood. Precisely because the exclamation point is so EMOTIONAL, it’s able to bridge that gap of presence. On the web, people using ! seem friendlier than people who don’t.

In their 2007 book “Send: Why People Email So Badly and How to Do It Better,” David Shipley (now the editorial page editor at The Washington Post) and Will Schwalbe suggest that exclamation points can give welcome texture to the otherwise flat tone of emails, recuperating them from the bottom of the punctuation pecking order. Why not spice up your emailing game with a few strategically placed exclamation points here and there? And don’t forget to include at least one in the first message to the person you swiped on: Your chances of getting a date could increase by 10 percent, according to one study!

The exclamation point did go through a rough patch before and during the Trump presidency: In 12 years on the little-blue-bird platform, Donald Trump reportedly produced 56,000 tweets, containing 33,000 !s. That’s a lot of exclaiming. It added to the screechy tone and political division perceived in the United States and abroad during those years. While the association with the ex-president remains strong, users have attempted to reclaim ! as a sign of spontaneous enthusiasm and authenticity.

But another threat is lurking around the corner: emoji. The little pictures have been hijacking some of the !’s traditional territory, appending expressions of feeling in text messages. In recent years, the number of emoji has exploded, growing every year. As texters, we need to scroll through long lists of similar-looking pictures to find the exact one that suits our need. Then as readers, we have to spend time and attention on recognizing which emoji we are facing and interpreting what it means in relation to the words surrounding it. The exclamation point, in contrast, is much more economical and effective, well suited to the swift back and forth of texting. Its shape is unmistakable, its message clear: Here are feelings! Pay attention!

Emoji may naturally disappear in a few years, replaced by new technologies, but the 700-year-old exclamation point isn’t going anywhere. And thank goodness! We need to keep using it — and should be free to do so, to point out wonder, express admiration. And joy! But beware: Boomers are allergic to exclamation points. So, if you want to keep the peace at the next family gathering with your parents-in-law, better go for the boring period!

Source: The Washington Post

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