Indonesian Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto and Vice Presidential candidate Gibran Rakabuming Raka registered on Wednesday, Oct 25, the last open day, with the General Election Commission, the recently-forged Prabowo-Gibran team accompanied by millions of sympathizers; there were lengthy traffic jams.

Prabowo-Gibran thus complements the two other teams of presidential and vice presidential candidates who registered on the first day: Anies Baswedan-Muhaimin Iskandar and Ganjar Pranowo-Mahfud MD. The three couples have undergone medical tests and the results will come out this afternoon (Oct 27).

Since the advent of what is known as Reformasi, or a “reform era” following the retirement of President Soeharto in 1998, this is the first time a presidential and vice presidential election contested by three pairs of candidates.

It is noteworthy to observe that all three pairs definitely intend to avoid any “polarization”, which might pose a concern were there were only two pair of candidates. More interestingly, Anies and Ganjar are trying to curry favor from the Nahdliyin (as Nahdlatul Ulama is known), through the choice of their vice presidential candidates.

These days many rumors are circulating about the three couples, and while their veracity cannot be confirmed, it seems that the public is genuinely enthusiastic about this “party of democracy”. The younger generation, who are usually apathetic about general elections and choose to abstain, are starting to speak out and express their opinions. It seems they are enjoying this event.

It cannot be denied that the appearance of Gibran, President Joko Widodo’s eldest son, as Prabowo’s companion has given rise to narratives about dynastic politics, a candidate too young to run, and his father’s interference. It is said that Prabowo offered Gibran the candidacy seven times before the young man finally acceded. While people tended to harbor doubts about Gibran, they came around stop when he delivered his oration. The intelligence and insight of this young man is clearly visible.

On the other hand, the appearance of Gibran as Prabowo’s Vice-Presidential candidate strengthens rumors of tension between Jokowi and Megawati Soekarnoputri, the General Chair of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), as Prabowo is General Chair of rival Gerindra Party. It has been suggested over the last two days that President Jokowi is going to replace Budi Gunawan, the Head of BIN (State Intelligence Agency), who is known to be a close ally of Megawati. BIN will be a crucial factor, especially when the general election is held.

“I don’t know yet. I stand behind any decision of the President,” declared former Army Chief of Staff (KSAD) General Dudung Abdurachman, who is likely to be replacing Budi Gunawan, at Jakarta, Wednesday (Oct 25).

Survey institutions in Indonesia provide various survey results. However, let us look at the results of a world survey from Ipsos Public Affairs of France, dated October 21, 2023. The three sets of candidates have equal compatibility figures: Anis-Muhaimin 28.91%, Prabowo-Gibran 31.32%, and Ganjar-Mahfud 31.98 . However, a number of voters are still undecided – “swing voters” who have not yet come to a decision; usually it is this bloc that will decide which one to vote for after the debates between presidential and vice presidential candidates.

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An independent investigation done by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) has found that the little-known daughter of Tajikistan’s president has built a medical empire that is generously supported by the state with finance and PR, and her husband, who is ambassador to Turkey, provides her with lobbying services.

Parvina Rakhmonova – fifth daughter of the president Emomali Rahmon. Many relatives of the head of Tajikistan became owners of large fortunes or took high government positions after he came to power more than thirty years ago. Unlike Emomali Rahmon’s other children, Parvina is almost unknown to the general public. She rarely appears in publicly available family photographs and is not mentioned in website of the Embassy of Tajikistan in Turkey where her husband has been working since 2021 Ashraf Gulov. We have not been able to determine her date of birth, but it is known that she has at least one adult daughter.

Parvina Rakhmonova controls a company that, with the help of administrative resources, has become the leader of the pharmaceutical market in Tajikistan in six years. Founded in 2017, Sifat Pharma receives multimillion-dollar government contracts and owns a network of nearly twenty pharmacies in the capital Dushanbe. When the Tajik government purchased imported ventilators and medicines during the COVID-19 pandemic, her company acted as an intermediary.

Parvina Rakhmonova’s business illuminated the country’s state television was exclusively complimentary, and representatives of the Ministry of Health were present at the company’s opening ceremony.

The fact that Parvina Rakhmonova is the sole owner of Sifat Pharma is not publicly broadcast either by government agencies or in the press, but is recognized behind closed doors.

A Tajik entrepreneur working in the healthcare sector told RFE/RL that at business meetings in Dushanbe, the director of one of the Sifat Pharma branches emphasizes that the company is owned by the president’s daughter.

We also managed to find out that: the director of Sifat Pharma, Sherali Kholov, owns shares in the International Bank of Tajikistan. As established by the previous investigation, this bank is associated with the brother of Ashraf Gulov, the husband of Parvina Rakhmonova.

The director of a subsidiary of Sifat Pharma advises competitors not to apply for government tenders in which his company is participating. Two entrepreneurs working in the same market sector reported that President Rahmon facilitated the business ties between his daughter’s company and a French pharmaceutical corporation; a subsidiary of Sifat Pharma owned by Parvina Rakhmonova’s daughter and they had received government contracts.

At the end of September 2017, the founding ceremony of Sifat Pharma took place in a building near the presidential residence in Dushanbe: in a solemn atmosphere, officials and guests walked through an arch of pink and white balloons. First Deputy Minister of Health Said Umarzoda in her speech then noted that the company would play “an outstanding role in providing the population with quality medicines” and “in the development of the country’s pharmaceutical sector,” the statement said. report on the ministry’s website. The event was also covered by national news outlets.

According to the Ministry of Health of Tajikistan, the company at that time had already signed contracts with “ministries of health and pharmaceutical manufacturers from Belarus, Iran and India to provide the population of Tajikistan with medicines that meet international standards.”

By that time, the company had only officially existed for five months. Sifat Pharma was registered on May 2, 2017, its sole owner is Parvina Rakhmonova, who owns a full stake in the company. However, Rakhmonova is not in photographs of the opening ceremony, and her name is not mentioned by ministry representatives. However, her father-in-law, former Minister of Industry and Energy Sherali Gul, was present at the ceremony.

The mention on the official website of the ministry is not the only assistance that Rakhmonova’s company received from the state.

From its inception until September 2023, Sifat Pharma has secured government contracts worth $5.5 million to supply medicines to the Ministry of Health and a few other government healthcare organizations. Two Sifat Pharma subsidiaries – medical clothing manufacturer Sifat Sanoat and healthcare provider Tibbi Tojik – won government tenders worth more than $326,000.

Determining the total value of Rakhmonova’s business empire is not easy. The Tajik government does not publish data on tax payments by companies and income and property declarations of officials (Rakhmonova’s husband would have to provide such data as an ambassador). In 2019, the head of the Civil Service Agency of Tajikistan said that Tajik society was “not ready” for the publication of mandatory declarations on the property and income of officials and their relatives. “As soon as the level of mentality and understanding of society becomes equal to the level of Western society, we will definitely offer this”, remark made by the head of the agency, Juma Davlatzoda at a press conference.

However, according to the Sifat Pharma website, the company owns 18 pharmacies in Tajikistan, 16 of which are located in Dushanbe.

Customs documents showed that Sifat Pharma has imported $3.2 million worth of goods (mostly medicines) since 2018; Data for the previous period were unavailable. The real amount is likely much higher, since many lots do not have a value listed.

In addition, Rakhmonova’s company received government support at the highest level. In November 2019, President Rahmon, during a trip to France met with investors and entrepreneurs to discuss “opportunities for expanding commercial and economic relations,” the presidential administration said in a report.

As a result of this meeting, at which Rahmon made a speech about investment opportunities in Tajikistan, Sifat Pharma, along with other Tajik companies, signed partnership agreements with the French pharmaceutical company Laboratoire Innotech.

A few months later, during the COVID-19 pandemic, it was Rakhmonova’s company that supplied imported ventilators and medicines to the Tajik government. In April 2020, the state paid 11 million somoni (about $1.1 million at the then exchange rate) for medicines and 27 ventilators produced by the German company Lowenstein Medical Technology. Sifat Pharma brokered the deal, according to the health ministry itself.

Lowenstein Medical Technology did not respond to our email with questions about the ventilators and their cost, and did not respond to telephone messages left with the company.

Released October 2021 official overview of investment opportunities in Tajikistan calls Sifat Pharma one of the three “key” companies in the country’s pharmaceutical market.

Since Emomali Rahmon took over the country in the early 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union, his children, their spouses and in-laws have owned vast fortunes and wielded great political influence in Tajikistan, which has a population of 10 million. Three of Rahmon’s nine children hold high government positions. In particular, 35-year-old Rustam Emomali, chairman of the upper house of parliament and mayor of Dushanbe, is considered Rahmon’s heir. In the event of his father’s resignation, it is he, as the speaker of the upper house of parliament, who will become the acting head of state.

The media resources controlled by Rustam Emomali also serve the business interests of Parvina Rakhmonova. For example, Dushanbe-TV released a complimentary 20-minute report on Sifat Sanoat, a subsidiary of Sifat Pharma, which also produces medical clothing. It particularly emphasized product quality and the company’s role as a job creator.

In this report, the director of Sifat Sanoat, Khokimsho Idiev, calls on entrepreneurs to create jobs in the country: “I believe that it is necessary to awaken the national feeling of all entrepreneurs so that they contribute to the implementation of the president’s policies. At least in the area of ​​job creation.” Two entrepreneurs working in the same sector of the economy told RFE/RL, on condition of anonymity, that it was Idiev who was putting pressure on competitors not to participate in government tenders for the purchase of medical clothing.

In a Dushanbe TV report, Idiev says that Sifat Sanoat “provides services to medical colleges and the Dushanbe road management.” Sifat Sanoat has received $142,500 in government contracts since March 2019, according to government procurement data reviewed by RFE/RL.

In addition, the interests of the Sifat Sanoat company are lobbied by the Ambassador of Tajikistan to Turkey Ashraf Gulov, who is also the husband of Parvina Rakhmonova.

In July 2022, the Tajik state news agency, Khovar reported a visit to the country by Turkish entrepreneurs “on the initiative and with the help of Ashraf Gulov,” whom Rahmon had appointed as ambassador to Turkey a year earlier.

According to the agency, this visit turned out to be fruitful for the business of Gulov’s wife: a memorandum of understanding was signed between Sifat Sanoat and the Turkish company Dundarlar. The agency’s report shows the Sifat Sanoat logo and shows a woman making medical clothing. Ashraf Gulov did not respond to our request sent to the Tajik Embassy in Turkey.
Gulov had previously used his official position to strengthen the commercial ties of his wife’s company.

In November 2021, Ashraf Gulov organized a webinar on “partnerships between Tajik and Turkish companies from the medical and pharmaceutical sectors,” according to a news note on the website of the Tajik Embassy in Turkey. The webinar discussed the “importance of developing collaboration” in these areas, but no video or minutes of the online meeting were published on the website. In the screenshot of the webinar participants, you can recognize the CEO of Sifat Pharma, Sherali Kholov. Kholov, who on the website of the President of Tajikistan is called a “patriotic entrepreneur” who built a kindergarten in Dushanbe, has business ties not only with Parvina Rakhmonova, but also with other relatives of Gulov. He is also the owner of the International Bank of Tajikistan, which in turn has partnerships relations with two companies of Gulov’s brother Jamshed.

The website of the Tajik Embassy in Turkey states that Ashraf Gulov is married and has five children. But at the same time, neither the name of his wife nor the fact that she is the daughter of President Rahmon is given there.

According to Tajikistan’s trade register, one of Gulov and Rakhmonova’s daughters joined her mother’s business empire: she founded a subsidiary, Sifat Pharma, which also receives government contracts. The company, Sifat Tabobat was founded in February 2018, and the sole owner is Ramzia Gulova, the daughter of Parvina Rakhmonova and Ashraf Gulov and at that time a first-year university student. The company was subsequently renamed Tibbi Tojik and is one of the four subsidiaries of Sifat Pharma.

Source : Sokal Info

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It seems that the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) has become a hostage to its investments in Tajikistan.

In mid-July, the Prosecutor’s Office of the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) appealed to the Supreme Economic Court of Tajikistan with a demand to annul the land certificate for the campus of the University of Central Asia in Khorog, which is owned by the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN). The university’s administration, local authorities, and the prosecutor’s office have not commented on this matter. However, it is evident that if the authorities manage to revoke the land certificate, the only international university in Tajikistan, built at a cost of one hundred million dollars, will be at risk of closure, as well as cooperation with one of the major donors in the country. Nevertheless, such relations with an investor are far from unique for Tajikistan.

AKDN has invested in various projects in Tajikistan. More than 3500 people work in the ranks of this structure within the country, and the largest investment projects have been implemented in the field of hydropower, telecommunications, tourism, the financial sector, education and healthcare.

The Silent Investor

Over the past year, the Aga Khan Development Network in Tajikistan has lost a number of real estate assets: buildings of MSDSP (Mountain Societies Development Support Program) and the First Microfinance Bank in Khorog, two Early Childhood Development Centers and the Aga Khan Lyceum in Khorog (https://www.agakhanschools.org/Tajikistan/AKL/Index), which belonged to the Aga Khan Education Service (AKES), as well as the Serena Hotel in Khorog, which was owned by the Aga Khan Foundation for Economic Development (AKFED). The total value of the nationalized real estate is unknown. The organization’s leadership in Tajikistan avoids communicating with the press.

According to AKDN, from 1995 to 2018, $1 billion was spent on various projects in Tajikistan. More than 3500 people work within this organization in the country, and the most significant investment projects have been realized in the fields of hydro energy, telecommunications, tourism, the financial sector, education, and healthcare.

Time is likely to tell whether AKDN will save its remaining assets with its silence, but in the context of Tajikistan’s delicate investment climate, such pressures on a major investor will not go unnoticed, as noted by independent experts.

An attack against one is a challenge to all

“The cessation of AKDN’s activities, one of the largest donors in the country, will serve as a signal to other donors about the government’s hostile attitude towards development assistance. Combined with rampant corruption, state interference in civil society activities, and restrictions on NGO operations, this will compel donors to reassess their operations in Tajikistan,” says Central Asia expert, Professor Edward Lemon from the University of Texas (USA).

According to him, the level of corruption, raiding of businesses by semi-official circles, limited resources, and low level of education make Tajikistan less attractive compared to neighboring countries, which will restrict the authorities’ efforts to attract investments.

Tajikistan is currently in the process of implementing the “National Development Strategy until 2030,” which was adopted in 2016. According to calculations by developers, the full implementation of this strategy requires attracting $118.1 billion. This amount is expected to be comprised of both domestic and foreign investments.

Political analyst Sayfullo Safarov believes that Tajikistan has all the potential to attract this amount. “Financially and economically, the republic is steadily developing, and the construction of the Rogun Hydroelectric Power Plant provides additional opportunities. The investment climate in the country is quite healthy, and I notice there are many interested individuals who prefer to invest specifically in Tajikistan,” says Safarov.

Risky Investments

However, the volume of foreign investments in Tajikistan’s economy is at an extremely low level compared to other countries in the region.

In the past, several major investors faced legal disputes in Tajikistan, losing cases or being pressured to exit the market or pay substantial tax fines. Among them there are companies, such as: the company “RUSAL,” which built a five-star hotel and a business center in Dushanbe and faced tax committee claims amounting to $70 million; “Gazprom International,” which surrendered its exploration license due to the government’s refusal to provide tax incentives; the mobile companies TCELL fined 155 million somoni, “Megafon” fined 155 million somoni, and “Beeline” fined 153 somoni.

In the embrace of a single investor

In the U.S. Department of State’s Investment Climate Report, Tajikistan is listed among the “challenging places for conducting business with high risks for foreign investors.”

One of the main barriers to foreign investment is the weak rule of law, especially concerning property rights.

The document notes that “trade agreements are in fact very poorly protected by the justice of the country, and the judges are not independent, and in several cases the government had influence on them to obtain a favorable decision for him.”

Despite the fact that Tajikistan is a member of many judicial resolutions, the authors of the report noted that the republic does not have an internationally recognized system of arbitration, and judges do not always recognize the supremacy of international documents.

“Numerous factors already render Tajikistan unattractive to investors, but if they also perceive the possibility of donor-funded assets being nationalized, they are unlikely to be willing to come, as opposed to donors who contribute with beneficial intentions. Only a Chinese investor might consider coming, but as we know, they come with terms that practically channel most of the revenue back to them, while the country ends up owing them even more,” says journalist Ramzia Mirzobekova.

The total volume of foreign investments inflow into Tajikistan’s economy amounted to approximately $11 billion. These funds originated from 65 countries around the world, with China, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Kazakhstan occupying the main positions.

Source

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The head of Antikora spoke about the agency’s plans to return assets illegally withdrawn from the country in the Interview program.

According to Askhat Zhumagali, the money will go to the state treasury in one of the criminal cases.

The head of the department noted that through joint efforts, state bodies have already returned more than 850 billion tenge to the budget of the republic. All finances will go to the construction of schools and hospitals.

“In July, a law on the return of assets was adopted. Now this activity will be carried out more actively. Where there is no sufficient justification, so to speak, for wealth of one kind or another, it will be recognized as unjustified enrichment and measures will be taken to turn it into state revenue. There there is a certain procedure. It has been discussed more than once. We are actively working and it will continue,” Askhat Zhumagali assured.

Return of illegally withdrawn assets to Kazakhstan

Last summer, an interdepartmental commission was established to carry out comprehensive work to return funds illegally exported by citizens of Kazakhstan abroad. The commission was headed by the Prosecutor General of the country Berik Asylov.

In November, after his inauguration, Tokayev signed a decree on measures to return illegally withdrawn assets to Kazakhstan. At the same time, speaking at the inauguration, the head of state announced the need to return all illegally withdrawn assets to the country.

At the end of 2022, the head of Antikor reported to the President of Kazakhstan that over 11 months of 2022, the return to the state of illegally acquired property assets and funds in the amount of more than 600 billion tenge was ensured .

At the end of April this year, the Ministry of Finance reported that illegally withdrawn assets worth 670 billion tenge were returned to the country .

Prosecutor General Berik Asylov said that assets worth 760 billion tenge were returned to the country , including $575 million from foreign jurisdictions.

Later, the Minister of Finance of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Yerulan Zhamaubayev, explained the information about the creation of a separate department in the structure of the Prosecutor General’s Office for the return of illegally withdrawn assets.

“A special department, an authorized body will be created that will directly carry out this work. A certain fund will be created.

This fund may be a separate account, perhaps it will be a separate enterprise that will have an account,” he said.

At the end of May, Majilis deputy Snezhanna Imasheva told how and by whom the decision on the return of illegally withdrawn assets to the state would be made.

Meanwhile, MP Maharram Maharramov explained how the illegally acquired assets would be returned to the state. According to him, the decision on confiscation will be made by a Kazakh court or a foreign court, depending on the circumstances of the case.

In the middle of last month, the president signed into law the law “On the return to the state of illegally acquired assets” with accompanying amendments.

Source

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Frankfurt, Brussels (30/7 – 27)

Kenges Rakishev, international entrepreneur, philanthropist and former special envoy of the Kazakh government, is leading the charge for an upcoming Nasdaq listing of Borealis Foods Inc., a fast-growing food tech company imbued with a mission to serve growing consumer needs. Rakishev intends to tackle global food challenges by developing nutritious, sustainable, and affordable ready-to-eat meals. This product is currently on sale in US and Canadian markets, with ambitious, imminent plans for a European market invasion. The Company stands at the forefront of innovation, having pioneered the world’s first plant-based ramen meal on a mass scale, boasting 20 grams of comprehensive protein per serving.

Bear in mind that passing the multiple hurdles necessary for approval of food-grade imports in western countries is a major challenge, and an expensive one. Matching food and pharmaceutical standards is exacting, but Borealis has done it.

Rakishev serves as Non-Executive Chairman of Central Asia’s first “Special Purpose Acquisition Company” (SPAC), listed as the “Oxus Acquisition Corp.” (NASDAQ:OXUS) IPO. Under Rakishev’s leadership, together with the acumen and dedication of CEO Kanat Mynzhanov, the firm has successfully navigated Oxus Acquisition through the complexities of a SPAC formation and listing, setting the stage for its upcoming partnership with Borealis Foods, set to go public before 4Q 2023.

Following the successful completion of Central Asia’s first Special Purpose Acquisition Company (SPAC), Oxus Acquisition Corp.’s IPO, Non-Executive Chairman Kenges Rakishev aims for upcoming Nasdaq listing of Borealis Foods Inc. Rakishev’s leadership roles have not been confined to Oxus Acquisition alone. Since March 2021, he has served as the President of Fincraft Group LLP, a diversified holding company listed on the Kazakhstan Stock Exchange.

This listing marks a significant milestone for the Central Asian business landscape and a landmark achievement in Rakishev’s investment career.

With a significant history of acquiring and investing in over 50 businesses in industries as varied as metals & mining, oil, petrochemicals, banking, fintech, information technology, ecommerce, logistics and insurance, Rakishev’s diverse investment portfolio includes some ten global-scale companies, demonstrating his knack for successfully identifying and driving growth in businesses anywhere.

Rakishev’s leadership roles have not been confined to Oxus Acquisition alone. Since March 2021, he has served as the President of Fincraft Group LLP, a diversified holding company listed on the Kazakhstan Stock Exchange. Rakishev has also been the Chairman of the Board of Fincraft Resources JSC since September 2008, a diversified holding focused on natural resources and disruptive technology industries. Furthermore, up until December 31, 2021 he held leadership positions at Battery Metals Technologies Ltd., an electric vehicle battery metals firm.

From 2013 to May 2018, Rakishev served as a Non-executive Director of Central Asia Metals Plc and was the controlling shareholder and Chairman of Kazkommertsbank JSC, the largest Kazakh commercial bank, from March 2015 to June 2017.

According to Forbes national rating, Rakishev burst into the ranks of the “Top-50 businessman of Kazakhstan” in 2013. Now he has ascended to the “Top-10”, keeping his highly diversified empire under control.

Rakishev has committed his time and energy to a variety of philanthropic activities, alongside his wife Aselle Tasmagambetova, through their Saby Foundation, the oldest charity fund in Kazakhstan, established in 2002. Saby supports young people seeking access to optimal education and career opportunities, as well as healthcare upgrading in Kazakhstan; it also empowers young entrepreneurs and business owners to develop their ventures. In 2020, Saby Foundation joined an ambitious battle to save the endangered Caspian seal from extinction.

Source

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In his book “Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Massacre: Lessons for the International Community,” terrorism expert Dr. Rohan Gunaratna emphasizes the importance of de-radicalizing Islamic ideology to effectively combat Islamic terrorism. He identifies Wahhabism or Salafism as the root of Islamic terrorism, rapidly spreading worldwide through modern communication tools. Gunaratna warns that merely arresting perpetrators after attacks is insufficient; the focus should be on preventing radicalization in the first place.

The Easter Sunday bombings in April 2019, which claimed over 200 lives, were fuelled by extremist ideologies inspired by events in the Middle East and Islamic extremists in South India. Sri Lanka’s lack of a legal and policy framework to curb radicalization and promote moderation, tolerance, and coexistence contributes to the potential recurrence of such attacks.

To succeed in the de-radicalization process, Sri Lanka must develop a unified approach by avoiding confrontational politics and forging a consensus on national security. Combating religious exclusivism, propagated by Wahhabi and Salafist institutions, is crucial, and both state and community action is required. Gunaratna highlights that the ideology of hatred against other faiths must be dismantled to prevent future attacks.

Rohan Gunaratna says that Islamic terrorism is but an outgrowth of Wahhabism or Salafism, which is spreading rapidly across the world using modern tools of communication.

The Yahapalnaya regime (2015-2019) is criticized for systematically dismantling security and intelligence platforms, leading to vulnerabilities in national security. Political pressure from human rights groups hindered intelligence efforts, contributing to the Easter attacks. The lack of awareness of the security dimension among political leaders and the need for inter-agency collaboration is stressed.

Gunaratna opposes the recent decision by the Sri Lankan government to de-list five of the 11 banned Islamic organizations after lobbying from radical clerics and politicians. He argues that compromising national security for political gain undermines national unity and social cohesion, leading to ethnic and religious hatred and violence. Instead, leaders should integrate ethnic and religious leaders into mainstream national politics to promote harmony and coexistence.

Gunaratna recommends several measures, including screening and certifying clerics, blacklisting hate speakers, developing a comprehensive curriculum for clerics, and regular review of their teachings. He also advocates for a National Security Council, a National Security Act, and a Foreign Interference Act to safeguard the nation from external threats and divisive ideologies.

In conclusion, de-radicalizing Islamic ideology and strengthening intelligence and security capabilities are essential strategies to address the root causes of Islamic terrorism in Sri Lanka. Building social and religious harmony, fostering inter-agency collaboration, and political consensus on national security issues are crucial steps to prevent future attacks and ensure the country’s stability.

Source

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Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, condemned the arrest and imprisonment of journalists, bloggers and civil society activists in Tajikistan, and questioned the credibility of the evidence presented in court against them.

Lawlor was on a two-week official visit to Tajikistan last December. The report prepared by her and members of the delegation on the results of this visit was published in May of this year, but only now became available to the public.

The authorities of Tajikistan will have to prepare an official response to the document, which will be submitted to the UN Human Rights Council in March 2024.

The report contains details of the detention and imprisonment, as well as information on the conditions of detention in correctional institutions of journalists and bloggers Daleri Imomali, Abdullo Gurbati, Zavkibeki Saidamini, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda, Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva, human rights activists and civil activists Abdulmajid Rizoev, Manuchekhr Kholiqnazarov, Faromuz Irgashev and Khushruz Dzhumaev. Authorities last year sentenced them to various terms ranging from 7 years to life imprisonment. Supporters of the convicts and international human rights organizations believe that the arrests and imprisonment of journalists and civil activists were politically motivated.

“A feature of the trials is that they were all held behind closed doors, the lawyers of the defendants were forbidden to communicate with the media,” the report says.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders and members of the delegation found in criminal cases many facts of human rights violations, non-compliance with the laws of Tajikistan and international obligations of Tajikistan. The report, in particular, notes that some of the defendants were subjected to torture and ill-treatment, some were denied emergency medical care.

The criminal cases brought against civil society activists, human rights activists and journalists, the authors of the report regard as a very bad example of the suppression of freedom of speech and as an attempt to silence critical voices in Tajikistan.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders demands from the government of Tajikistan to provide the true and legal reasons for the arrest and sentence of each of the convicted human rights defenders and civil activists, as well as to explain why the authorities are hiding the details of these high-profile criminal cases from the public, and to what extent this is appropriate international obligations taken on by Tajikistan.

The UN Special Rapporteur is waiting for Dushanbe’s answer to the questions: Where were Saidamini, Pirmuhammadzoda and Dzhumaev from the moment of detention until the official announcement of their arrest, has an investigation been launched into the use of torture against Daleri Imomali, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda and Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva?

The report also contains a requirement to provide a detailed report on the state of health of each of the convicted activists, journalists and bloggers.

The report says that the convicted Mamadshoeva and Kholiknazarov filed a complaint with the collegium of the Supreme Court of Tajikistan. Consideration of their complaints began on 14 March.

The authors of the report, recalling the international obligations of Tajikistan, note their gross violation or ignorance in the consideration of criminal cases of journalists, bloggers and civil activists.

The Tajik authorities have not yet reacted to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, but earlier the Supreme Court and the Prosecutor General’s Office of Tajikistan stated that all criminal cases against civil activists, journalists and bloggers were considered objectively and impartially

Source

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The escalation of geopolitical tensions linked to the Ukrainian crisis has highlighted two main opposing camps of countries — an Alliance of Democracies on one side and a Group of Authoritarian Regimes on the other. A number of countries have resisted choosing sides, however, as they strive to balance their national interests with international developments while simultaneously advocating the need to maintain peaceful diplomacy and global connections.

While the number of these so-called “in-between” countries abound (particularly in Latin America, Africa, and South and Central Asia), only a few of them have upheld an outspoken commitment to the principles of multilateralism and non-violence. One of these is Kazakhstan, which, through its rhetoric and actions, has consistently demonstrated a commitment to international principles enshrined in the UN Charter despite severe challenges to the country’s economy and stability brought on by recent global developments. Impressively, Kazakhstan’s strong compliance with economic sanctions imposed by Western countries against Russia has stood the test of time.

Amid a slew of destabilizing events including a violent coup attempt in January 2022 and an ongoing international crisis embroiling its neighbor Russia, Kazakhstan has taken important steps towards strengthening democracy and stability at home such as limiting presidential powers, fighting oligopolies and recovering assets stolen from the country by cronies of the old regime. Kazakhstan has also maintained its commitments to Ukraine’s territorial integrity and has contributed to energy and food security in Europe.

Last year, in a public discussion with Vladimir Putin at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, President Tokayev made it very clear that his country remained committed to the UN principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. “Kazakhstan recognizes neither Taiwan, nor Kosovo, nor South Ossetia and Abkhazia. This principle will be applied to quasi-state entities, which, in our opinion, are Luhansk and Donetsk,” the President sad. Such position of Kazakhstan has been vocal and proved by consistency in voting pattern on UN Ukraine-related resolutions.

Kazakhstan has taken important steps towards strengthening democracy and stability at home, such as limiting presidential powers, fighting oligopolies and recovering assets stolen from the country by cronies of the old regime.

Still, such persistent dedication to international democratic principles (by a relatively weaker country squeezed in a geopolitical triangle with two much-stronger neighbors, i.e. China and Russia) has not been enough to alter a seemingly entrenched negative opinion of Kazakhstan. With an especially strong viewpoint particularly in the West, under the banner of “human rights”, oligarchs can bait international NGOs and the media into believing their proxy political figures are victims of authoritarian abuse. When every decision taken by Kazakhstan courts against these local proxies is criticized, their oligarchic overlords gain enormous leverage at the expense of damaging Kazakhstan’s international credibility and reputation, as well as undermining its fledgling process of democracy building.

One such case involves a Kazakhstani citizen Zhanbolat Mamai, who was sentenced in September 2017 to a three-year suspended sentence for the theft and embezzlement of funds. Considered an independent journalist and a political activist, Mamai allegedly violated Kazakhstan’s law again and has been charged for insulting a government representative (under Kazakhstan’s Criminal Code, Article 378), spreading false information (under Article 274), and organizing illegal protests (under Article 488). Amnesty International has called this decision an “act of retribution” by the government. However, Amnesty’s coverage of the Mamai case tells only half the story.

Charged with illegal actions, Mamai has subsequently positioned himself as a persecuted human rights defender. He has received financial and political support from Mukhtar Ablyazov, who stole billions of dollars from a Kazakhstan bank and then fled the country. Ablyazov has already lost various court cases in the United States, Great Britain and France. Mamai has allegedly used Ablyazov’s money to run an unregistered political party called the Democratic Party of Kazakhstan.

Nonetheless, the above facets of the Mamai case are sometimes not taken into consideration by human rights organizations.

It is also worth noting that Mamai is not in prison (as stipulated by Articles 378 and 274) but has instead received a suspended sentence.

The fact that not all sides are taken into consideration is now facing a backlash in Kazakhstan. Local NGOs are questioning whether the motivations behind attacking Kazakhstan over these high[1]profile cases are truly about human rights. In the meantime, the government is implementing reforms to address the everyday concerns of Kazakhstani people, including protecting their social welfare, healthcare and financial prospects.

The difficult balancing act that Kazakhstan’s government is trying to manage in both its international and domestic affairs faces many challenges. But credit should be given where it’s due. In this environment, Western NGOs and media falling prey to tactics by the beneficiaries of the old Kazakhstan regime only hurt the country’s nascent democratization process and its efforts to break from authoritarianism and corruption still widespread elsewhere in Central Asia.

Luc Rodehefer is a foreign policy expert and a freelance financial analyst. A former banker, he is currently based in France and covers political and economic relations between the EU and emerging markets.

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Kazakhstan is gearing up for snap elections of the lower house of parliament on March 19, and there is a sense of anticipation in the air. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who came to power in 2019, called for snap elections in the wake of the deadly street protests in January 2022. The elections are part of the president’s ambitious reform agenda, Jana Kazakhstan (New Kazakhstan), which aims to usher in a new era of political liberalization.

Kazakhstan is gearing up for snap elections of the lower house of parliament on March 19 as part of the President Tokayev’s ambitious reform agenda, Jana Kazakhstan (New Kazakhstan)

The parliamentary elections are stage two of Tokayev’s program, following his re-election winning 80 percent of the votes last November. The coming elections will see 70 percent of the country´s lawmakers elected through party lists, while the remaining seats will be contested in single-member districts. While it has become easier to register a new political party on paper, there are concerns that the Justice Ministry is still rejecting applications from anyone critical of the government. Party registration remains difficult, especially for anyone critical of the government, and this has raised concerns about the potential for a “pocket parliament” controlled by the presidential administration.

Despite these concerns, a couple of parties have made it through the registration process, becoming the first new parties to be registered in two decades. The Respublica party, led by once-apolitical businessman Beibit Alibekov, has been approved and supports advancing Tokayev’s Jana Kazakhstan agenda. The Baitak party bills itself as a green party, but its leader, Azamatkhan Amirtayev, has faced criticism for taking the side of officials in a dispute with eco-activists over plans to drain a local lake.

Legacy parties from the Nazarbayev era, such as Amanat (formerly Nur Otan), are not looking as strong as they once did, with the ultimate loyalties of these parties far from certain. The rural interests Auyl (Village) party and the National Social Democratic Party, or OSDP, are also contesting, but the OSDP is recently considered a spent force.

Despite the challenges, there is a sense of hope amongst the people that the lower house parliamentary elections will pave the way for a more democratic Kazakhstan. Tokayev has made it clear that he wants to build a new Kazakhstan, free from the corrupt cronyism that prevailed in the Nazarbayev era. The president’s sweeping reform agenda includes political liberalization and the elections are an important step in that direction.

The people of Kazakhstan are eagerly awaiting the results of the elections and are hoping that they will mark a turning point in the country’s history. “It is important for Tokayev that new personalities appear in the Majilis who are going to participate in the construction of a New Kazakhstan while also respecting the political rules established by the authorities,” Tolganay Umbetaliyeva, Director General of the Central Asian Foundation for Democracy, said.

With new parties emerging and the potential for change on the horizon, there is reason to be optimistic about the future of democracy in Kazakhstan. By doing so, Kazakhstan can take a major step towards a more democratic future. The government must ensure that the elections are free and fair, and that all parties and candidates have an equal chance to participate. Political observers are cautiously optimistic but point out the big bear in the room, Russia. The question how the regime in Moscow will react to the liberalization moves remains a riddle.

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Central Asia stretches from the Caspian Sea in the west to China and Mongolia in the east and from Afghanistan and Iran in the south to Russia in the north. It includes the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The region has a rich cultural history, with many of the countries having deep ties to Russian and Soviet culture. It is home to some of the world’s oldest civilizations, including those in Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The region also boasts a variety of languages, religions and ethnicities which have shaped its distinct identity.

Central Asia is an important area for energy resources such as oil and gas reserves. Its strategic location between Europe, Russia and China, make it an attractive destination for foreign investment. However, despite these opportunities there are still challenges facing the region such as corruption and weak governance structures that hinder economic development. Additionally, environmental degradation due to climate change is becoming increasingly problematic in Central Asia as well.

Kyrgyzstan was hailed in the 1990s as the future Switzerland of Central Asia, yet the country has proven to be unstable and poor. The Asian Development Bank estimates that about 26 percent of Kyrgyzstanis live below the poverty line. Ethnic violence in the city of Osh in 2010 left deep scars on the country. Kyrgyzstan also struggles with rampant corruption.

Tajikistan is the poorest country in Central Asia as World Bank data revealed that almost a third of Tajikistan’s population lives below the poverty line. Ethnic violence occurred when twenty-five ethnic Pamiris were killed by security forces in protests on May 2022. For years, President Emomali Rahmon diverted attention from his regime’s economic mismanagement and violence against a minority group by highlighting his legacy as the leader who brought stability to the nation after its civil war.

Nearby Turkmenistan is struggling after the government decided to cut subsidies in 2019 for basic goods and utilities. The government of President Gurbanguli Berdymukhamedov also has struggled to secure its borders with Afghanistan, where both the Taliban and the Islamic State have increased their presence.

Meanwhile, in Uzbekistan, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev acknowledges the need for economic reforms. Former President Islam Karimov’s egregious human rights violations and his family’s notorious corruption isolated Uzbekistan from global investors. Mirziyoyev’s government has taken some initial steps to liberalize the country and open up its economy to the outside world. However, they have been only symbolic and the government lacks the capacity and resources to institute broader reforms.

In contrast, Kazakhstan does have the capacity to reform: it is the region’s economic powerhouse due to its enormous natural resources, abundant hydrocarbon reserves, mineral wealth, and vast agricultural resources. Kazakhstan is the richest country in Central Asia and borders important and powerful countries such as China and Russia.

Kazakhstan is implementing a large-scale project titled “New Silk Road” that envisions the revival of the country’s historical role as the major bridge between the two continents. It is also planned to transform the country into the largest business and transit hub of the region.

Nursultan Nazarbayev, who was elected president five times, voluntarily stepped down on March 2019 after almost 30 years in power. Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, speaker of the upper house of parliament and a Nazarbayev loyalist, took over as the country’s acting leader.

On June 2019 Kazakhstan held a presidential election where Kassym-Jomart Tokayev captured 70 percent of the vote. Tokayev showed himself to be a responsible, far-sighted, modernizing leader. Nazarbayev handed over the chairmanship of the ruling party Nur Otan to Tokayev in 2021. This process is democratic and a peaceful transition of power to younger generations of Kazakhstan’s leaders.

Despite a long journey of democracy which was filled with blood in bloody January, Kazakhstan quickly rose and reformed its government and society to stay as Central Asia’s richest country. The country experienced intense riots and revolts in January 2022, namely due to an increase in fuel prices, which added to an overall discontent with the government and very high-income inequalities. The January bloodshed left more than 230 people dead and prompted authorities to call in troops from a Russia-led security bloc.

The tragic event led to President Tokayev proposing a series of reforms aimed at building what he has termed as ‘New Kazakhstan’. He built on hopes and promises of democratic reforms, including the strengthening of the Parliament and the establishment of a Constitutional Court.

“We have shown that we are united in building the new Kazakhstan. We must review the legislation which allowed a small group of people to concentrate the country’s economic resources in their hands and enjoy the preferential status,” Tokayev said after being reelected on November 2022.

He proposed delivering better governance by investing tremendous resources in educating and training a cadre of highly qualified technocrats and professionals. Kazakhstan has largely withstood the effects of the January turmoil and the regional geopolitical tensions.

Other Central Asian countries also have their sensitive domestic problems and are affected by Russia’s war on Ukraine and the exchange of sanctions between Russia and other G20 nations. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan should follow ‘New Kazakhstan’, the example of a peaceful transition to balanced democracy. They will own better governance, may utilize all their potential resources, and in turn, can reduce poverty.

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